It was rainy but the heat was palpable. Holding a large Philippine flag, the man continued praying the rosary – even if police told him to step down the base of the Chino Roces monument.

The man was among 30 to 40 protesters who staged a prayer rally in Mendiola on Monday, June 12, as the nation marked its 125th Independence Day. Their loudest appeal was to free Leila de Lima, a former senator detained over drug charges, and whose petition for bail was recently denied.

“Ginagawa din namin ito para sa inyo (We are also doing this for you),” one of the protesters appealed to the police, assuring them it was not subversive.

Activist priest Father Robert Reyes, who organized the protest, then arrived to negotiate with the police to allow them to stage the protest.

After much more assurances and calls made, the police relented. They settled at a respectable distance, holding up riot shields for their presence to be known and felt.

Prayer and peace was their tool of choice for their protest, and it had worked.

Organized by the 1521 Solidarity and Clergy for the Moral Choice (CMC), these groups fight for causes, using their faith, head-on.

In front of the statue of Chino Roces, they formed a makeshift altar and prayer circle to offer their intentions for the country.

Their petitions, mixed together with song performances, included the call for election transparency, junking of the Maharlika Investment Fund, and the assertion of claim over the West Philippine Sea. 

But what the group had petitioned for mainly was De Lima’s freedom. “Aming masidhing hinihiling na mabigyang-katarungan lahat ng mga sinasakdal dahil sa politikal na ideolohiya… lalo na sa panggigipit kay Senator Leila de Lima (We feverently ask that all those persecuted for their political ideology will be given justice… especially the pressure put on Senator Leila de Lima),” their petition read.

Freedom from the unjust

1521 Solidarity secretariat Alab Cruz explained that being one with the oppressed is how the group originally came about, during a monthlong remembrance of People Power in February 2023.

She said that De Lima is one such example of who they champion.

“Inspired din tayo ni Leila de Lima dahil pinakita niya sa atin ang kalayaan ng kanyang pagmamahal sa bayan. Ang kalayaan ni Leila ay kalayaan ng Inang Bayan (We are inspired by Leila de Lima because she showed us her freedom in loving her country. Leila’s freedom is our country’s freedom),” she said.

For Cruz, freedom is given through God’s grace, and it should be our mission to grant everyone that freedom.

Reyes, who comes from the Diocese of Cubao, firmly believes that to be truly free is to be Christ-like, and it is the faithful’s responsibility to remind everyone, especially politicians, of the right to freedom.

Reyes talked to the detained De Lima the day before, and said that despite being saddened by the junked petition, she continues to hope for her freedom.

Reyes, who has long used prayer and protests to fight for causes in the country, believes that faith and love for country go hand in hand. 

He reminded Filipinos that they are not just God’s children, but the country’s as well, and a select few should not be favored over the rest.

“Merong mas nakikinabang at napakaraming hindi nakikinabang, depende kasi sa lapit mo sa kapangyarihan, sa mga nakapuwesto (There are those who benefit more, while many others don’t, depending on how close you are to those in positions of power),” Reyes said.

What does Reyes want for the country? He wants a country that experiences true freedom, a country that doesn’t allow celebrations like these to just be a celebration.

“Sana, sana ‘wag nang palabas na lamang ang Araw ng Kalayaan. Dahil kadalasan ay palabas lamang ito. Sana maging totoo na. Taun-taon, nagiging mas totoo ang Araw ng Kalayaan (Hopefully, hopefully Independence Day isn’t just for show. Because often it is just that. I hope it becomes real. It becomes more and more real every year),” Reyes said. – Rappler.com

Sugbuanons waved their flags as performers marched from the Fuente Osmeña Circle to Plaza Independencia wearing traditional Filipino clothing during the city-organized civic military parade.

“Savoring and making independence meaningful,” Cebu City Mayor Mike Rama told Rappler.

Residents converged at the historical plaza, known for being a symbol of liberation from colonial rule, to witness the newest addition to this year’s celebration — “Barangayan sa Sugbo” or the “Battle of the Festivals”.

The event showcased dance performances revolving around different festival celebrations in every Cebu City barangay. Unlike regular Sinulog festival dances, the performances put more emphasis on “Cebuano liberation.”

There were also booths which showed the history, culture, and tourist attractions of each of the local villages.

Bayanihan

Among those who marched in the parade was Sergeant Anita Epan, 67, a member of the Police Community Relations Group (PCRG), who proudly wore her uniform for the first time since the start of the pandemic.

“Ang nakanindot ani nga selebrasyon kay ang atong pagsaulog sa kagawasan ug kay 125 years na,” Epan told Rappler.

(What’s great about this celebration is that we are celebrating our freedom and that was 125 years ago.)

Sergeant Anita Epan, 67, a member of the Police Community Relations Group, proudly wears her uniform during the 125th Independence Day Celebration.

“I’m happy to celebrate here with friends and fellow Cebuanos,” Epan said in Cebuano.@rapplerdotcom pic.twitter.com/ZlBGGQJkyH

— John Sitchon (@TheJohnSitchon) June 12, 2023

Epan served in the PCRG for 3 years, beginning in 2020, coordinating with village chiefs to ensure public safety from the threat of COVID-19. Prior to this, Epan worked as a seamstress in her neighborhood in Barangay Basak-Cagodoy in Lapu-Lapu City.

She said the celebration brought back memories of “bayanihan” which she experienced while working with the PCRG.

Emilia Navidad, 58, a kutsero (coachman) from Barangay Duljo-Fatima, described how so much of the festivities were accomplished because many Sugbuanons came through and pitched in.

“Halos tanan nakaapil sa Independence Day. Sauna, gamay ra kaayo nangapil (Almost all attended the Independence Day. Back then, only a few joined),” Navidad said.

For her part, Navidad, who runs a horse-carriage business with her husband, brought along her horse, Labiana, so tourists and residents could take pictures in a colorful and traditional kalesa.

Navidad wished that in the following years, more kutseros would join the event that commemorates Cebu’s history and freedom.

Barangayan

According to Ernesto Herrera, special assistant to the mayor for national agencies, the celebration was actually a revival of the original Barangayan which was first celebrated in 1998 when the mayor was still a city councilor.

The city government allotted P5 million for the whole celebration. Initially, the budget was capped at P10.5 million until it received negative reactions from netizens and public officials like Cebu City Councilor Nestor Archival.

Herrera said that it was trimmed down as per instructions from the mayor.

The budget was used to fund a majority of the celebration’s expenses, which consists of the morning program, independence day photo exhibit, and prizes for the competition.

Herrera added that the Sinulog Foundation Inc. sponsored P3 million in total cash subsidy that was distributed to each of the participating barangays and that a private entity sponsored another P1 million for the Independence Day Ball.

Rama told reporters that the event would be a “prelude” to the official national celebration of the Sinulog festival in 2024.

“When we organized, we already had the Sinulog sa Sugbo Philippines 2024 in mind. This is just the preliminary,” the mayor said.

Rama added that this would help bring the attractions, culture, and heritage of the city to the rest of the world.

Victors

Ten barangays participated in the major street dance competition, namely Inayawan, San Nicolas Proper, Day-as, Sudlon I, Guadalupe, Suba, Quiot, Kalunasan, Pasil, and Apas.

Below are the winners of the Barangayan sa Sugbo:

Festival Queen

1. Barangay Guadalupe represented by Marianne Sinajon;
2. Barangay Inayawan, represented by Frenzy Jean Macan;
3. Barangay Pasil, represented by Krismerry Ramas

Street dancing

1. Barangay Inayawan;
2. Barangay Guadalupe;
3. Barangay San Nicolas Proper;
4. Barangay Pasil;
5. Barangay Quiot.

Best in costume

Barangay Inayawan

Best in musicality

Barangay Inayawan

Ritual showdown

1. Barangay Inayawan
2. Barangay Guadalupe
3. San Nicolas Proper
4. Barangay Pasil
5. Barangay Sudlon I

–Rappler.com

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Groups such as Pamalakaya, Katribu BAYAN, Gabriela along with youth organizations League of Filipino Students and Kabataan Partylist, gathered at the Chinese Consulate in Makati, Metro Manila as early as 9 am to raise their calls. They later proceeded to the US Embassy in Manila to continue the protest.

Metro Manila

During the protest, the group Pamalakaya asserted the rights of the Filipino fisherfolk amidst Beijing’s continued presence in the West Philippine Sea. They also urged the government to stop reclamation and seabed quarrying in Manila Bay and other areas.

Despite Chinese assertiveness in the West PH Sea, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. remains optimistic over the ties between the two countries. 

Earlier, the President attended a flag-raising and wreath-laying ceremony at the Rizal Monument in Luneta Park, where he again called for unity. This marked his first Philippine Independence Day as President.

Katribu, an indigenous peoples (IP) group, also expressed its strong opposition to the construction of China-funded dam projects such as the Kaliwa Dam, which will cause environmental damage and possible displacement of communities. The Kaliwa Dam is a 12.2 billion project signed under the Duterte administration that has been collectively opposed by environmental groups and indigenous peoples organizations.

Kabataan Representative Raoul Manuel along with its other members also marched from the Chinese Consulate to the US Embassy despite police presence along the route. 

“Sa ika-125 na Araw ng Kalayaan, ang Pilipinas ay patuloy pa ring humaharap sa matinding hamon at banta mula sa mga bansang naghahangad na supilin ang ating kalayaan. Ang Tsina at Estados Unidos ay nagtutunggalian para isa ang manaig bilang kapangyarihan sa Pilipinas,” the party-list Kabataan said in a statement.

(On the 125th Independence Day, the Philippines still faces many challenges and threats from countries that want to curtail our freedom. China and US are competing in order to reign over us.)

Despite a 2016 landmark Hague Ruling which invalidated Beijing’s claim over most of the vast South China Sea via the nine-dash line principle, China has maintained vessels within the West Philippine Sea.

The US, on the other hand, has been granted access to four new local bases where the American military will be allowed to build facilities and preposition defense assets. This was announced when US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin visited the Philippines on February 2. 

Militant youth group Anakbayan also expressed its opposition to the continued attacks on national sovereignty by the US and China.

Other church groups also urged the government to free former senator Leila de lima, reiterating that her continued detention showed that the country is not truly free. (READ: ‘Not truly free as a nation’: Rights advocates decry De Lima’s continued detention)

Davao

Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) and Anakbayan Southern Mindanao also organized a protest at Freedom Park in Davao. They urged the current administration to implement and keep an effective independent foreign policy in relation to the rising tensions between the US and China over the West Philippine Sea. 

Bacolod City

Meanwhile in Bacolod City, sectoral groups also echoed the calls of the groups in Metro Manila and Davao. They also called for an immediate response of the government in certain issues including jeepney modernization, continuous oppression of local vendors and farmers, and privatization of Central Negros Electric Cooperative (CENECO)  vendor spaces. 

“For us in the marginalized sector of the city, there’s no true and genuine independence in terms of our evidently [poor] living conditions,” secretary-general of Kalipunan ng Damayang Mahihirap Ante Berlita told Rappler. 

Bacolod City also organized a program featuring a military parade, flag raising ceremony, and a wreath laying at the monument of an unknown soldier. 

Members from various groups including the Girl Scouts of the Philippines, Boy Scouts of the Philippines, Drum and Bugle Corps of various participating schools, and PNP Bacolod also took part in the civic-military parade from Lizares and Araneta Streets to the public plaza. – with reports from Alexandria Grace Magno and Amiel Antonio/Rappler.com.

Alexandria Magno is a Rappler Volunteer from the University of Santo Tomas.

Amiel Antonio is a Rappler intern from Bulacan State University — Main Campus. He is an incoming fourth-year journalism student.

The two had met in Yokohama in 1899. Ponce was then a pioneering Filipino diplomat tasked to solicit Japanese support as Filipino forces battled an invading American army. Sun, on the other hand, was then a noted intellectual eager to learn about Japan’s transformation from a backward country to a world power.

At a dinner hosted by the renowned former samurai and future Japanese prime minister Tsuyoshi Inukai, Sun was visibly impressed by Ponce’s stories of Filipino exploits against both Spain and the United States. Ponce drove home the point that all Asian peoples have a duty to aid the Filipino cause, and Sun took his message to heart. Taking huge personal risks, Sun arranged for a stealthy shipment of Japanese arms to support the Philippine Republican Army, but the steamship carrying the guns tragically sank off the coast of Shanghai.

Sta. Romana’s reference to this episode was a refreshing reframing of the usual historical narrative that Chinese officials like to emphasize when extolling Philippines-China relations. The Chinese vice foreign minister in the audience said he was touched by the story. Before that, their favorite anecdote had been the visit by a sultan of Sulu to Ming China in the 15th century, which marked a milestone in the long history of Filipino-Chinese cultural exchanges. But while the story of that visit is an important symbol of the filial ties that bind the two peoples, it also harks back to a different international order that existed in Asia in the pre-modern era. At that time, China was the “middle kingdom,” the prime civilization that many Asian cultures sought to emulate. Eager to learn from Sinic ways, many of these cultures acknowledged Chinese pre-eminence. 

But unlike the sultan of Sulu who had to kowtow to the Chinese emperor, it was the Chinese founding father who was eager to learn from the Filipino diplomat when the two met in Japan. The story of their meeting and subsequent collaboration was part of a bigger story of a Chinese re-discovery of the Philippines at the turn of the last century, and how this re-discovery helped spark a nationalist awakening among the Chinese people. 

This story could trace its roots to 1793, when a British diplomat sought to establish trade relations with the Qing dynasty. The latter was shocked by the western envoy’s audacity to treat the Chinese emperor as an equal of the English king. In the Chinese conception, the middle kingdom was preordained to sit atop the universal pecking order, and therefore deserved paeans from all rulers of the world. The British, however, were operating under western norms arising from the outcomes of the Westphalian conferences of 1648, which dictate that all states are equally sovereign. For them, keeping the appearances of treating the Chinese as an equal despite the obvious superiority of British power was already an act of magnanimity. Naturally, the clash between these two worldviews resulted in a humiliating outcome for China. 

It took two Opium Wars in the 1800s for the Chinese to accept that they were no match to western technology and therefore powerless to defend their domestic authority, let alone enforce their worldview. The British, followed by other western powers and then Japan, viciously extracted concessions after concessions from the decaying Qing dynasty. The Chinese had no choice but to acquiesce and to endure what they now refer to as the “century of humiliation.”

Meanwhile, at around the same time, a modest but unprecedented economic transformation was unfolding in the Philippines. International trade had been rapidly globalizing, and Manila had become one of its nodes. This led to the emergence of a local middle class that naturally craved education and empowerment. In 1812, Spain enacted the Cadiz Constitution, which started a wave of liberalization that eventually reached Philippine shores. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 further exposed this new Filipino middle class to liberal ideals. In 1880, Filipino students in Europe, inspired by Enlightenment principles, formed the Propaganda Movement and started articulating the philosophy that would later underpin the Philippine Revolution of 1896.

Unlike their Chinese contemporaries, the Filipino elite fully understood western norms. They knew that while these norms adhered to the Westphalian notion of a community of states operating as sovereign equals, they also required that nations must first prove themselves worthy of membership in the said community. And so, after having forced Spanish forces to a standstill in 1897 and then, following a short interlude, virtually defeating them in 1898, Filipino leaders declared independence and cloaked their movement with the full panoply of western-style statehood. Having already formed a modern army, they drafted a democratic Constitution, formed a parliament and a judicial system, dispatched diplomats, minted coins, and printed stamps. The Philippines was asserting its place in the club of nations. 

Within a year, however, the Americans decided to steal the Philippines from the Filipinos, sparking a protracted war that proved Filipino mettle and inspired many Asian peoples, including the Chinese. It was in the midst of the Philippine-American War that Sun sought out Ponce in Japan and moved mountains to help the Filipino cause. Some historians think that Sun saw in an independent Philippines a possible ally to the Chinese revolution. While this might also be true, his main motivation was likely sentimental. I suspect that he saw the Philippines as he saw Japan: an example of what the Chinese people could achieve if they overcame some of their philosophical shackles.

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One of these is their Confucian conception of power correlation, which is based on the concept of the li. Crudely translated into western philosophy as natural law, the li emphasizes harmony in social relationships between student and teacher, servant and master, emperor and subject – and basically strong and weak. It is a profound concept that cannot be oversimplified, but one of its basic premises is the idea that power disparities are somehow metaphysically preordained. 

On one hand, this premise informed the Chinese conception of a hierarchical world order with China at the center. Since the Chinese had never met a culture more advanced than theirs, they proudly imagined an international system revolving around China as the beacon of civilization, with other cultures finding their place along concentric orbits according to their proximity to Sinic ways. On the other hand, the same premise petrified the Chinese into inaction in the face of clearly superior western forces that were overturning this Chinese centrality and overrunning their own homeland.

Yet before the eyes of the Chinese elite, the Filipinos shattered this premise. By standing up against Spain and then the United States, the Philippines upended the logic of the li, prompting some profound self-reflection among China’s thinking class. In her 2002 book Staging the World: Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century, American historian Rebecca Karl dedicated an entire chapter to how the Philippines influenced China’s nationalist awakening. She quotes, among others, Cantonese public intellectual Ou Jujia, who wrote:

“They (the Chinese elite) have lost all hope. Their level of thinking stops at a conviction that to be strong is sufficient for taking advantage of the weak; to be big is sufficient for taking advantage of the small; to be numerous is sufficient for torturing the few. They have no knowledge of the fact that strong and weak have no definite form; big and small do not define strength; numbers do not define principle; that self-reliance can turn weak into strong, self-strengthening can turn small into big, and the unity of the people can turn the few into the many.

“Just look at the small islands of the Philippines led by native people opposing the preeminent rising power of the world, America…. So, what of our China, with its vast territory and huge population, which is thousands of times bigger than the Philippines? If the Philippines can be self-reliant, what is the logic behind the claim that China cannot be? Please, let us now consider the Philippines.”

As Karl noted, Ou’s writings reflected the emerging sentiments then of the Chinese intelligentsia, which effectively challenged the validity of such “seemingly immutable categories” as “civilization,” “strong,” “weak,” “big,” and “small” – concepts that formed a central part in classical Chinese philosophy. The Philippines, after all, had been on the fringes of the Sinocentric world order, barely a bearer of Sinic civilization. Yet here it was now, providing a model for a weakened China to confront an ascendant west. 

The future jurist Liang Qichao, who at that time was among China’s most famous public intellectuals, drove home this point by publicly professing that he “must kowtow” to “the Filipino,” for “he has twice waged war against the white man, and never faltered despite difficult odds.” Finally, the Chinese were beginning to shed their middle kingdom pretentions.

Alas, the First Philippine Republic eventually lost to overwhelming American power. As Filipino defeat became imminent, the leadership diverted some of the Japanese arms intended for the Philippines to the Xinhai Revolution in China, then already being led by Sun. The Filipinos then shifted to quietly pursuing freedom through the dexterity of their pens and the eloquence of their tongues rather than the might of their guns. But in the mainland, where the Chinese translation of Ponce’s book on the Philippine Revolution began to circulate widely, the philosophical liberation that the Filipino movement helped spark unleashed an unstoppable tide that eventually led to the founding of a new China, of which Sun became the first president.

Like their Filipino counterparts, the early leaders of this new China aligned themselves firmly with the struggles of the subjugated peoples of the world. Communist thinker Zhou Enlai became a stalwart of the Bandung movement that laid the foundation for traditional solidarity among countries of the global south. Today, China has become confident enough to set about fulfilling the Chinese dream of national rejuvenation, and Filipinos can be proud to have played a small part in the rich history behind this remarkable Chinese transformation. – Rappler.com

JJ Domingo is a career foreign service officer. He was posted in Beijing from 2017 to 2020. The views expressed here are his own and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the Department of Foreign Affairs.

Is it Andres Bonifacio, with his bold battle cry amid the pealing of church bells? Perhaps Emilio Aguinaldo, who steered the fledgling republic in its first imperfect years? Or maybe Jose Rizal, who sooner laid down his life than forsook his country?

There are stories of men storming across bridges and barricades. There are others of men dying for their country. But there is also one of a hero who, through sheer brilliance, first forced the world to gaze upon a Filipino as their equal: Juan Luna. 

“We were starting to see ourselves as a people, not just through the lens of our colonizers. And here was a man who had undeniable genius,” Jei Ente, assistant curator at the Ayala Museum, told Rappler.

“Regardless of what they can say about the ‘race’ of the Filipinos, here was Juan Luna debunking all of it: what the capacity and the capabilities of Filipinos, of the ‘brown man,’ were. Here he was, standing above all of his European contemporaries.” 

This is the story of Philippine independence from an artist’s eyes, retold on the 125th birth date of the nation. And it starts with the homecoming of Luna’s long-lost masterpiece.

‘Holy grail of Philippine art’

Sometimes, we need a reminder to remember our past. This time, it came in the form of a cultural treasure rediscovered after disappearing more than a 130 years ago. 

The holy grail of Philippine art, they called it. The find of the century. Ineffable. A true sight to behold. And yet, this all came short of unraveling the mythical air behind Juan Luna’s missing masterpiece: Hymen, oh Hyménée!

The quest to find it is remarkable on its own, but that is a separate story to tell. It has since been reopened to the public in an exhibition titled “Splendor: Juan Luna, Painter as Hero” at the Ayala Museum on Monday, June 12.

The painting, feared to have been destroyed during the revolution, is hailed by many art collectors as the “holy grail of Philippine art” – due to both Luna’s brilliance and the air of mystery surrounding the piece.

By the time he had painted Hymen, oh Hyménée!, Luna had already made a name for himself. Five years back, he had won gold and international acclaim with Spoliarium. But it was this piece, which won bronze in the 1889 Paris World’s Fair, that cemented his status as a master painter.

The artwork, which depicts what looks to be a Roman wedding feast, is splendid, celebratory, and full of hope. But staring at it, one might struggle with seeing themselves in the work. We don’t see a typical Filipino scene in the painting, which is thoroughly Western in its style. 

“It’s so foreign, even if it’s Juan Luna. He has a lot of foreign or European-inspired works. But when we know the story of this painting, we know the story of his time,” said Ente, who was part of the team that set up the painting’s exhibit in Ayala Museum.

Luna worked on the painting while deep in the throes of love, during his honeymoon trip with his wife, Paz Pardo de Tavera, daughter of the Grand Inquisitor of Spain. 

Some experts believed that it may have been a gift to Paz. The imagery too might mirror the artist’s own wedding to his wife – one that, at first, drew heated disapproval due to their different social status and so-called “races.”

“In the context of ancient Rome, where only Roman citizens were allowed to marry, marriage was a significant rite of passage that solidified one’s status as a full citizen with all the associated rights and privileges. This rite was particularly significant for Luna, since he came from a society where race prevented marrying into a higher class,” explained Kenneth Esguerra, senior curator of the Ayala Museum in a documentary.

“By marrying Paz, Luna transcended social barriers and overcame colonial limitations. He was able to bridge the social divide and become a global citizen,” he added.

And it was this sense of overcoming “colonial limitations” that remained a constant theme of Luna’s life as a painter in Spain at a time of great racial divides.

(READ: ‘Holy grail’: Juan Luna’s lost masterpiece revealed after 132 years)

‘Luna, the painter as hero’

Juan Luna hailed from the sleepy town of Badoc, Ilocos Norte – or, as the Spanish called it, the “wrong part of the island of Luzon.” 

Traveling to Manila and then Madrid, Luna studied under art school after art school, winning recognition but never quite finding the teacher he needed. But he would soon find his mentor in Alejo Vera, who painted historical scenes to perfection. And it showed in the works that set up Luna’s meteoric rise to the top of the European art scene. 

The year was 1881, and Luna was just 24 years old when he painted The Death of Cleopatra. The work, depicting the Egyptian queen moments after death, garnered Luna his first major award, a silver medal in the Exposición Nacional de Bellas Artes.

But it would be in the next Spanish national exhibition that Luna would cement his name – and awaken the Filipino consciousness. 

In 1884, Luna unveiled Spoliarium, winning a gold medal and beating out other Spanish artists. In dark, harsh hues, the painting depicted dying Roman gladiators being stripped of their spoils, their weapons, their armor. In an unlit corner, a woman weeps over a body.

In the same exhibition, Filipino painter Félix Hidalgo also won a silver medal for his Las Virgenes Cristianas Expuestas al Populacho, which showed Christian female slaves being unclothed and eyed by Roman men.

But Luna didn’t speak of anything political or patriotic when he won as a Filipino artist – or in the terminology of the time, an “artist from the Philippine islands.” Neither did Hidalgo.

It was Rizal who invoked the power within these paintings, the messages that lay just beneath the brushstrokes. 

In a congratulatory toast to Luna and Hidalgo, Rizal spoke with eloquence and boldness, saying that the two paintings embodied “the essence of our social, moral and political life: humanity in severe ordeal, humanity unredeemed, reason and idealism in open struggle with prejudice, fanaticism, and injustice.”

“Genius has no country, genius bursts forth everywhere, genius is like light and air, the patrimony of all: cosmopolitan as space, as life and God,” Rizal said of Luna.

Luna never quite became as vocal with his political views as the likes of Jose Rizal or Marcelo H. del Pilar. He never took up a rifle in defense of the nation, unlike his fiery brother Antonio. But he had always allied himself with the members of the Propaganda Movement. In 1899, under Aguinaldo’s government, Luna served as a member of delegations that worked on the diplomatic recognition of the Philippines.

‘He gave them something to believe in’

In many ways, the triumph of Luna over his Spanish contemporaries became a turning point in how Filipinos perceived themselves.

“You can tie it to the whole story of how Juan Luna was part of that list of important people who really gave us the courage and the belief that this fight is actually worth fighting for – for this nation, for this representation, this self-erudition, self-acknowledgement,” Ente said.

When we study our history and how we became a nation, we look at our military history. We study the battles. We remember the people who died. Who shot this captain? Who won the battle in this province or sea?

While plenty of important battles were fought for Philippine independence, perhaps an equally important detail is where this sense of peoplehood first came from.

“But what makes these men go through these battles? It has to be a belief. There has to be something that they should have believed in – something intangible, something inner, like a reality that happens inside before it can manifest externally through bravery, through martyrdom.”

The revolution would follow soon after Luna had first stirred a whole nation’s sense of pride. Seven years after Hymen, oh Hyménée! brought the talent of the Philippines to the world, the first gunshots of independence rang out.

“For generations and for centuries, as a colonized people, we were taught we were of this level and we were subjugated. But for a painter – for a Filipino – to break through a very elite and very closed-off world, such as the world of fine arts, that must have meant something to his peers, who were also starting to feel that we should be recognized with our own voice,” Ente said. 

“He gave them something to believe in.” – Rappler.com

“The fact that political prisoners like former Sen. Leila de Lima exist shows that we are not truly free as a nation, where human rights defenders, truthtellers, dissenters, and freedom fighters are persecuted and jailed for their political beliefs and acts advocating for social justice and change,” Karapatan secretary-general Cristina Palabay told Rappler on Monday.  

De Lima has been acquitted in two of her three drug-related charges in February 2021 and in May 2023. Her motion for bail in her third case was denied by the Muntinlupa City Regional Trial Court Branch 256 June 7.

Former Bayan Muna representative Teddy Casiño said De Lima’s “unjust and cruel detention is a big indictment on rule of law and human rights.”

“Her case shows the weaponization of the law by those in power and gross violation of human rights of those who, like her, actually defend human rights,” he said.

After 125 years since Philippines’ independence was declared, Casiño said “our country remains a far cry from the independent and democratic republic.”

Human rights lawyer Chel Diokno also lamented the continued detention of the former senator on Independence Day.

“It is sad that, once again, former Senator Leila de Lima will be celebrating Independence Day inside prison due to the court’s decision to dismiss her request for bail in a case based solely on the testimony of convicted criminals,” Diokno said. 

Despite this, Diokno said he “believes that the truth will prevail and it will be proven that Atty. de Lima is innocent.”

De Lima is one of the fiercest critics of Duterte’s war on drugs. Based on government data, at least 6,252 people were killed in police operations alone. If the victims of extrajudicial killings are taken into account, the estimated death toll ranges from 27,000 to 30,000.

De Lima was also the chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights who went to Davao City to investigate the extrajudicial killings carried out by the Davao Death Squad allegedly upon the orders of then-mayor Duterte. Those EJKs are the subject of investigation by the International Criminal Court. – with reports from Jairo Bolledo/Rappler.com

The date we consider as Independence Day has been controversial since time immemorial and it will certainly continue to be. It’s a tricky thing to answer, but the trickier question seems to be, have we ever really been free? 

It sounds like a philosophical question, but it is also political. More than a century has passed since, yet we still find ourselves plagued with the same (or even worse) sociopolitical issues. While we continue to celebrate Independence Day, it is also important to remember that we have not been liberated. The same problems have just been translated to the more complex language of modernity.

Executions of those who fight for liberation have been translated to extrajudicial killings. Colonialism has been translated to imperialism. The exploitation of resources and the environment has been translated to the extreme impacts of climate change. We continue to bear the brunt of the effects of colonialism, and more.

Unfortunately, true liberation means more than just picking a date when we commemorate Independence Day. After all, freedom demands to be continuously fought for. Especially in a country that coddles foreign powers and is vicious to its own people.

There are many aspects that go into our lack of liberation, some of these being the state of human rights, education, and our environment.

It appears as if the state has no problem violating human rights, especially of those who choose to fight for genuine liberation. Extrajudicial killings are not new or few in the Philippines, many victims of this phenomenon being activists. In February of 2022, news broke out that five individuals who were variously Lumad teachers, community volunteers, and human rights defenders were killed in Davao de Oro. They are now referred to as the New Bataan 5. The AFP claimed that they were killed in an encounter with the NPA but the NPA denied this. Those who were killed were not armed rebels.

Duterte’s anti-poor war on drugs also added at least 6,252 victims to the EJK statistics as of May 31, 2022. This war has not ended under Marcos Jr.’s current administration.

Some we find killed, and some we have not found at all. Another common human rights violation in the Philippines are enforced disappearances. Many activists, peasants, workers, and organizers have been abducted by the state force as a form of political repression. Bazoo de Jesus and Dexter Capuyan were just disappeared last April. 

There are also those we call political prisoners who have been jailed for their political stance. This is how Reina Nasino lost Baby River. Authorities refused to let a mother care for her sick child.

Those who suffer these human rights violations are also red-tagged to justify violence against them. They are called communists, or rebels, or terrorists for fighting for liberation. In our country, they equate fighting for liberation with terrorism.

In the aspect of education, the Philippines is also not doing so well. According to Sara Duterte’s Basic Education Report (BER) last January, the Department of Education faces many challenges in delivering basic education to Filipino students. Among other things, there continues to be a lack of school infrastructure and resources. We can also hark back to the struggles of teachers as they lack support. Remember what happened to laptops for public school teachers? They ended up being sold to retail stores instead of going to teachers.

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In the middle of all of this, many Lumad schools were also shut down. In 2019 alone, 55 Lumad          schools were forced to stop operating. As an attempt to justify these shutdowns, specifically the Salugpungan schools, Sara Duterte red–tagged the volunteer teachers. According to her, they had links with terrorists. The Lumad schools also suffered harassment from the Duterte administration, with Duterte himself threatening to bomb the schools. 

Amidst all of this flak, it is important to remember that these schools exist solely to help Lumad children who want to learn and complete their education. They are taught what is expected of in basic education as well as sustainable agriculture, and indigenous arts and culture. They learn that liberating themselves starts with education. Why is the government so against this?

Systems and institutions that are supposedly there to free us, such as human rights and education, continue to fail and oppress us. But even at the very basic level of the environment, we are chained and unfreed. Related to the closing of Lumad schools, indigenous peoples in our country who are in the frontlines of environmental defense are continuously red-tagged and violated. They are driven out of their ancestral lands so that their resources can be exploited by foreign companies. 

According to a report by Global Witness in 2022, the Philippines remains to be the deadliest country in Asia for land and environmental defenders. In the last decade, 270 of them have been killed. In 2022 alone, 19 defenders were killed, most of them being indigenous people.

Amidst all of this, we continue to feel the most intense impacts of climate change. The summer heat was almost unbearable. PAGASA has also warned that El Niño may develop from June to August of this year. It can also persist until next year. Not only that, we are also bearing the brunt of extreme rainfall and intensified typhoons. With dwindling trees, we continue to be more and more prone to rising floods. Our coastal communities are also more vulnerable to storm surges. Our small islands, meanwhile, are facing the threat of disappearing completely with rising sea levels. We experience these effects in extremes as a small country composed of many islands surrounded by the sea. Yet we do not find our government prioritizing climate justice.

We are celebrating the 125th Independence Day, but we still find ourselves unfreed from our long-standing chains. Independence Day continues to be a mere holiday. We can only celebrate real independence when we are genuinely liberated from the systems and chains that confine and oppress us. – Rappler.com

Tony La Viña teaches constitutional law at the University of the Philippines and several Mindanao law schools. He is former dean of the Ateneo School of Government.

Bernardine de Belen graduated from the Ateneo de Manila University with a Creative Writing degree. She works at the Manila Observatory as a research assistant.

Palatandaan ng isang malayang demokrasya ang kalayaang bumatikos. Pero bakit may mga political prisoner pa rin katulad ng dating justice secretary na si Leila de Lima at ang mamamahayag na si Frenchie Mae Cumpio?

Mahigit anim na taon na sa kulungan si De Lima, at kamakailan ay nabigo ang pakay niyang makamit ang pansamantalang kalayaan nang ibinasura ang petition niya for bail. Ito’y sa kabila ng pagbawi o pag-recant ng mga susing witness laban sa kanya tulad ng dating acting chief ng Bureau of Corrections na si Rafael Ragos at ang umano’y drug lord na si Kerwin Espinosa. 

Sa katunayan, na-acquit na naman si Espinosa sa ikalawang kaso ng drug trafficking charges dahil salat sa ebidensiya. Bakit mailap ang hustisya kay De Lima?

Si Cumpio naman, na tatlong taon na sa kulungan ay humaharap sa terrorism charges na tinaguriang “trumped up” ng kanyang organisasyong Altermidya Network.

May kalayaan ba ang bayang pinaghaharian ng impunity at weaponization ng batas?

Pero maari mo namang sabihin na marami nang nagbago, tulad na lang ng extrajudicial killngs. Wala nang tokhang, di ba? (Ang tokhang ay isang state-sponsored anti-drug trafficking campaign ni Rodrigo Duterte na bumiktima sa mahihirap at umano’y “latak” ng lipunan.)

Mali. Patuloy na nangangamba ang mga pamilyang paboritong target ng drug war ni dating presidente Duterte. Ayon kay Carmen (hindi niya tunay na pangalan), ina ng sinalvage na 21-taong-gulang na si Rolly, akala niya, tapos na ang patayan. Mali ang akala niya.

Habang hindi naman natin puwedeng sabihin na hindi tayo malaya – lalo na ngayon na tapos na ang termino ni Duterte at tila mahaba ang pisi ni Marcos Jr. – hindi rin masasabing lubos tayong malaya.

Ayon sa “Freedom in the World 2023” report ng Freedom House, nag-improve ang kalayaan sa bansa.

Sa report, binigyan ang Pilipinas ng overall global freedom score na 55/100, at binigyan ang bansa ng rating na “partly free.” Nakakuha rin ang Pilipinas ng 25/40 na marka sa political rights at 30/60 para sa civil liberties. 

Pasang-awa, puro borderline. Bahala ka na lang kung malasin ka at mailagay sa cross-hairs ng kinauukulan. At kailan pa naging katanggap-tanggap ang borderline?

Iwan natin ang datos at tanungin ang sarili: panatag ba ang iyong loob kung ang anak o kapatid mo’y sasama sa rally? Hindi, di ba, dahil mabagsik ang anti-terror law.

Panatag ba ang loob mo kung ang anak o kapatid ay gagala sa lansangan ng isang maralitang pook? Aba’y hindi rin – dahil kung hindi man siya matokhang, andiyan ang takot mo na makukursunadahan siya ng mga dumidelihensiyang pulis patola.

Ngayong Independence Day, binalikan namin ang interview ng reporter na si Lian Buan sa sociology professor sa University of the Philippines na si Josephine Dionisio. Ang pamagat ng kanilang podcast ay “Love of Country: Is dissent patriotic?”

Sabi ni Dionisio, ang pagmamahal sa bayan ay hind lamang pagbili ng barong tagalog, pagtayo ‘pag tumutugtog ang Lupang Hinirang, at pagmemorya ng Panatang Makabayan.

Sabi niya, ang love of country ay nangangailangan ng isang “shared imagination” ng isang mas mabuting kinabukasan, na bunga ng dayalogo at debate.

Tulad din ‘yan ng sinasabi ng Nobel Peace Prize laureate at Rappler CEO na si Maria Ressa, na kailangan natin ng “shared facts” upang matahak ang “shared truths” upang mapagsikapan ang “shared values.”

Sabi ni Dionisio, sa kasaysayan, ang nasyonalismo ay kakabit ng “acts of defiance” tulad ng pagbatikos at paghingi ng pagbabago. Dagdag pa niya, “Every day that you encounter injustice, call it out.” Pangalanan daw ang kawalan ng hustisya tuwing nakikita at nadarama natin ito.

Ang hirap nga mahalin ng bayan, pero hindi ‘yan excuse para huwag mahalin ang bayan.

Nang tinanong si Dionisio saan huhugutin ng mga Pilipino ang “love of country,” sabi niya, “Hugutin ito sa pagmamahal sa sarili.” Ayon daw sa UP sociology professor na si Randy David, “self-esteem is to national pride.” 

Ipa-paraphrase namin ang sinabi niya: “Hanapin at tanggapin ang mga bagay na gusto mong mahalin at tanggapin sa ating sarili, at mula doon ay humanap ng inspirasyon na mahalin ang mga nameless, faceless na kababayan.”

Meron daw forever, at pagmamahal sa bayan ay puwedeng panghabambuhay. – Rappler.com

But there is more to PIDCI than parades. The organization also aims to empower Filipinos in America, and strengthen unity and cooperation among the community.

On its first Independence Day episode, At Home sa Abroad: Stories of Overseas Filipinos hosted by multimedia reporter Michelle Abad features Nora Galleros, PIDCI president, to talk about what it means to celebrate Philippine independence, even when one is far away from home.

Watch the video on Rappler at 7 pm (Manila time) on Monday, June 12. – Rappler.com

At Home sa Abroad: Stories of Overseas Filipinos is Rappler’s one-stop video podcast for all things Filipino diaspora. 

Watch other At Home sa Abroad episodes:

• What OFWs expect from new Department of Migrant Workers
• How this leadership program helped Fil-Ams connect with their roots
• How is the local economic crisis affecting OFWs?
• Inside a migration reporter’s notebook
• The Filipino diaspora through a migrant’s eyes
• Is exporting Filipino workers a good thing?
• How this Gen Z couple is making their LDR work
• Tales of Martial Law, People Power from migrant Filipinos
• The plight of overseas Filipino women
• Navigating the int’l film industry as a Filipino woman
• After EU decision, what’s next for Filipino seafarers?
• Why do so many Filipinos go abroad to work?
• Filipino mom and daughter champion diversity in US