The current conflict is instead an acute symptom of a crisis that has plagued the country for decades. The people of Sudan have been suffering for far too long from political turmoil and economic instability. The escalating humanitarian needs have left many Sudanese in “survival mode.”

Last year alone, humanitarian needs reached their highest levels in a decade, with violent conflict and food insecurity among the many challenges people have been facing while significant flooding hinted at the country’s vulnerability to rapidly changing climate patterns. The situation was further worsened by the surge in fighting between armed groups in the Darfur, Kordofan, and Blue Nile states, which displaced more than 3 million people, almost 2.5 million in Darfur alone. 

Meanwhile Sudan also hosted more than one million refugees from neighbors such as South Sudan and Ethiopia, who themselves fled violence only to find themselves stuck in another conflict further affecting their ability to cope with their escape from misery and death.

Before the current conflict, our teams had raised the alarm drawing attention to the critical needs of people in West Darfur, emphasizing the urgency of scaling up the humanitarian response to the already fragile healthcare system. Now, our teams have witnessed first-hand the collapse of the health system and fast-growing levels of medical and humanitarian need across the country, placing great numbers of people in a life-threatening situation. The UN estimates a 57% increase in needs since December 2022. 

Since April 15, people in Khartoum and other states have suffered due to heavy fighting, airstrikes, and mass looting. Another wave of displacement of 1.4 million civilians is being reported as newly displaced, with women and children particularly affected. The current violence has led to shortages of food, water, medicines, and fuel, causing prices to surge and making it increasingly difficult for people to access medical care at a time when they need it most. In Khartoum, El Geneina, Zalingei, and other cities and towns where heavy fighting continues, people remain trapped, while many hundreds of thousands have been fleeing to safer areas of the country or across borders.

Despite immense obstacles, we remain determined in our commitment to support to the best of our ability the people of Sudan, providing critical health care to those in desperate need. Our teams are currently active in 10 states in Sudan, involved in various activities, such as treating war wounded individuals in Khartoum and North Darfur; providing health care and water and sanitation services to refugees, displaced people, and local communities in Al-Gedaref and Al-Jazeera states; and donating medical supplies to healthcare facilities across Sudan.

However, there has been a pattern of attacks on healthcare facilities and disregard for civilian lives that has made it increasingly difficult for Doctors Without Borders to deliver vital healthcare services during this critical time. For instance, in Nyala, south Darfur, we were forced to suspend activities after one of our compounds and warehouses were violently looted on April 16. In Khartoum, another warehouse was also looted and occupied, with medical supplies, fuel, and vehicles stolen. Fridges were unplugged and medicines left exposed and on the floor, meaning they can no longer be used. On April 26, the El Geneina Teaching Hospital, where Doctors Without Borders managed the paediatric and nutrition departments, was also looted, with parts of the hospital damaged or destroyed. The hospital remains closed following the attack.

The theft of supplies and vehicles, harassment of medical personnel, and the proximity of violence to healthcare facilities and infrastructure collectively impede the efforts of medical and humanitarian workers in responding effectively to the dire situation. These attacks are not isolated incidents specific to Doctors Without Borders. Rather, they are indicative of a broader pattern where warring parties show a disregard for civilian lives, infrastructure, and healthcare facilities. This trend poses a serious threat to the provision of essential healthcare services and exacerbates the already challenging conditions faced by the affected population.

Administrative and logistical challenges are also impeding Doctors Without Borders’s medical activities. Moving supplies from one part of Sudan to another can be extremely difficult. Similarly, although Doctors Without Borders was able to bring emergency teams into Sudan during the first weeks of the conflict, it has since been challenging to obtain permission for them to travel to project locations or secure visas for additional staff.

How can we possibly continue carrying out our activities without an acceptable level of protection for our staff and for the people unable to reach medical facilities due to constant threats and obtaining a level of accessibility of our supplies and teams to move and deliver aid? 

From our humanitarian experience in conflict zones, we know the scale of danger that conflict poses to civilians who cannot or choose not to evacuate, including medical staff who remain to provide care to the sick and wounded. Parties to the conflict must take all necessary measures to protect civilians from harm and ensure that those who are sick, wounded, or in dire need of medical support have access to healthcare facilities.

As I pen my closing words, I can’t help but wonder how many lives that should have been spared are being lost at this very moment. In the face of ongoing conflict and attacks on health care in various locations, it is imperative to ensure the safety of medical personnel and health facilities to ensure effective healthcare delivery. This entails enabling safe passage for ambulances and individuals seeking medical assistance, as well as facilitating access and rapid and unimpeded movement for humanitarian workers, organizations, and supplies to go where they are needed.

Too many lives are hanging in the balance, and we cannot stand by as people are put at risk. It is vital that civilians affected by the fighting are afforded access to emergency health care. – Rappler.com

Stephen Cornish is the General Director of Doctors Without Borders in Switzerland.

It was a massacre typical of the executions that had marred Rodrigo Duterte’s drug war, perhaps a brutal reminder that the bloodlust has not ceased. And the Navotas killings are just one instance of many under a new administration that has vowed to seek “recalibration.”

Romeo Agua was about to return home to feed his family’s pigs when soldiers from the 9th Infantry Brigade allegedly accosted and executed the 42-year-old on May 15, two weeks before the Sioson massacre, in Brgy. San Jose, Panganiban, Camarines Norte. Several gunshots to the head, and one in his mouth, supposedly finished Agua off. 

Nearly a month before, on April 14, Visayan activist leaders Manuel Tinio and Arthur Lucenario went missing reportedly at the hands of elements from the 47th Infantry Battalion. Tinio’s cadaver, riddled with seven gunshot wounds, surfaced in Ubay, Bohol on the same day. Meanwhile, Lucenario was pronounced a casualty in an alleged encounter between the military and New People’s Army rebels on May 12, three days before Agua’s murder. His body, however, bore signs of severe torture.

Five days after Tinio and Lucenario were forcibly disappeared, it was the turn of National Democratic Front peace consultant Rogelio Posadas and his companions to suffer the same fate. Posadas was summarily executed, reportedly by elements from the 23rd Infantry Brigade, while his comrades and drivers are still missing. 

When May beckoned, more killings ensued. On May 3, soldiers from the 94th Infantry Brigade allegedly snatched away and murdered farmer Crispin Tingal Jr. The military, as in Lucenario’s case, countered with the “NPA encounter” story. But Tingal’s family refuted the accusation: no, the farmer was far from a dangerous rebel. He was a loving husband and father, a disciple of the church, and an active stalwart of sustainable livelihood programs pushed forward by the government itself.

Two days after the Tingal murder, members of the police’s Special Action Force (PNP-SAF) killed chainsaw helpers Joel Balading Recare and Oscar “Oca” Alastoy in yet another alleged “encounter.” State troops tagged them as communists. Their families answered back: no, they were not rebels. Even the village chief in Palapag, Northern Samar cleared them of any red tags.

Alex Dolorosa was the paralegal officer of the union of BPO workers in Bacolod City when he went missing for three days in Brgy. Alijis. He, too, was murdered as April came to a close. Back in February, Danish national Tim Moerch and his Filipina partner, Myla Ozoa Vagas — suspects in the murder of a Negros Oriental local official — were executed mere hours after they were released from detention. Days before, a robbery suspect in Quezon City and another drug suspect in Naga City were murdered in separate police operations, with the cops peddling the timeworn excuse that the suspects had “fought back.”

This spate of killings do not only cover civilians, activists, or crime suspects. On the first Bonifacio Day under Ferdinand Marcos Jr., award-winning poet, National Book Award recipient, and peace consultant Ericson Acosta was murdered by the military. Months before that, on the first anniversary of the Aquino-Galman killings under the new Marcos, soldiers in Samar accosted underground movement leaders Benito and Wilma Tiamzon, with eight other guerillas, tortured them, then killed them. The military even allegedly staged a boat explosion to cover up the carnage. Nearly two weeks prior this writing, former student leader Joshua Sagdullas was among the four alleged rebels slain in a firefight with soldiers in Northern Samar — almost a month after yet another “clash” between soldiers and rebels snuffed out seven lives in another Northern Samar town.

The list is endless. The numbers are more restless: 323 drug-related executions, over a hundred killings linked to counter-insurgency, three slain journalists. These statistics, however, fail to reflect the entirety of the truth. More assassinations and murders occur in between; even local officials, such as Negros Oriental governor Roel Degamo, have been killed.

We can only wonder, why is this persistent bloodshed not hogging the headlines? The Romualdez-Arroyo-Duterte drama, Eat Bulaga, and other shenanigans almost bury the daily killings under the Marcos-Duterte regime.

Changing who sits in Malacañang has failed — and still fails — to guarantee an end to these killings. While Marcos’ rhetoric has steered away from Duterte’s vulgarity, and even as the International Criminal Court (ICC) achieves significant leaps in holding Duterte accountable, the reality on the ground has not been altered. The rate of impunity has not been trimmed down. Blood still flows along the streets of our country, but some of us have been lulled into believing that it is not the Marcos regime killing our people.

This regime kills. Like Duterte’s and his father’s. All that Filipinos must do is to take notice, document every single one of the killings, and clamor for an end to this bloodbath. – Rappler.com

Karl Patrick Wilfred M. Suyat is one of the three co-founders of Project Gunita, an academic and research organization focusing on archival material about the Marcos dictatorship. He is also a staffer of the Institute for Nationalist Studies and a member of the August Twenty-One Movement. Currently, he is also undertaking a Malikhaing Pagsulat sa Filipino associate course in the University of the Philippines-Diliman.

Pinag-uusapan nila na kung wala lang pandemya ngayong taon baka sa pribadong paaralan sila ngayon. “Gusto ko maging…”, baka nakapagdoktor siya, o baka obstetrician naman ang isa, at baka bumbero naman ang pangatlo. Hindi na bago na may ‘di align na kurso sa kagustuhan ng mag-aaral, hindi naman nila ito kasalanan, napadpad lang dahil sa pangangailangan.

Kahit na ganito, magagawa pa rin nilang makapagpagamot, magbigay-buhay, magluwal ng anak, at makapag-apula ng apoy kahit na sa Filipino medyor sila – sa porma ng panitikan. Malawak ang pagsulat, kayang tawirin lahat ng disiplina. Gayunpaman, hindi naman ito punto para hikayatin sila mag Filipino; ito ay para usigin ang isip nilang hindi lang doktor ang nagbibigay buhay; hindi lang kumadrona ang nagsisilang ng bagong akda; hindi lang sila ang nagpapagaling; maging ang katha rin ay gumagamot ng sakit ng lipunan. 

Hindi naman talaga nakakapagbigay-buhay ang doktor, pero dahil tinutulungan niyang pahabain ang buhay ng isang tao ay ito ang konotasyong ikinakabit sa kakayahan niya. Gayundin sa katha, pero anong buhay ang ibinibigay nito? Nagbibigay-buhay ito sa mga patay na; buhay sa mga ala-alang binubura ng mga pasista at binubuhay ang hinaharap. Sa madaling sabi, nagsisilbing track record ng mga pasyente ang ginagawa ng katha. Ang pinagkaiba lamang ay hindi lang basta nirerekord, tinatala niya ito sa bagong porma – sa malikhaing anyo. Ito ang unang esensya ng katha sa kasalukuyan; nalalaman ang mga pilit binubura ng imperyalista at pasista sa kasaysayan dahil binubuhay ito ng mga manunulat.

Sa tulong ng katha ay nalalaman kung anong nakaraan ang maaari masilip. Ano kaya ang maaaring dinanas nila noong Martial Law? Ano ang kalagayan nila noong Golden Age? Ang katha ay may kakayahan magparanas ng sitwasyon na nakabatay sa tunay na danas (na dahas) ng lipunan. Masasabing mainam itong panangga sa historical amnesia dahil hinahalaw ang katha sa totoong danas. Matibay ang katha bilang pasingaw sa isyu tungo kamalayang panlipunan.

Siguro, kung hindi nabasa ang Desaparesidos o mga akda ni Lualhati Bautista ay baka hindi maguhit sa isipan ng mambabasa kung anong pait ang iniwan ni Marcos. Kung hindi nabasa ang mga akda ni Joi Barrios, baka isa ang mambabasa sa lalaking nagpapatuloy sa gawi ng patriyarkal. Kung gayon, nagiging gabay ang katha ng kasalukuyang panahon para labanan ang inhustisya sa lipunan para sirain ang sistema. Nagiging buhay ang tao, may hininga, hindi nagiging zombie na sunod-sunuran o naghahanap ng utak; sa katha, kalakip ng buhay ay ang kakayahang mag-isip nang radikal. 

Sa kabilang banda, binubuhay nito ang hinaharap dahil may kakayahang bumuo ng isang mungkahing realidad ang katha at ipasilip sa mambabasa kung ano ang hinaharap. Ang katha ay kayang tumawid sa kahit anong yugto ng panahon para magamit sa kasalukuyang panahon. Ito ang kapangyarihan ng katha, ang magbigay-buhay para maging gabay. Ano kaya ang bansang mayroon sa susunod na mga taon kung maa-approve ang Maharlika Investment Fund? Ano kayang Pilipinas ang mayroon sa hinaharap kung magkaroon ulit ng panibagong pandemya o zombie? Naglalatag ng mga alternatibong realidad ang katha para maging batayan ng kasalukuyan upang tuligsain ang sistema nang makabuo ng maayang hinaharap. Nagbibigay ang katha ng malikhaing hinuha sa hinaharap – ano ang mangyayari kung hindi kikilos? 

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Kung ang kumadrona ang nagpapasilang sa isang bagong sanggol, katha naman ang nagpapasilang sa isang makabagong pananaw. Hindi man bago pero ito ay makabago. Ibig sabihin, kaya nitong umangkop sa kahit anong panahon kahit ‘di naman ito bagong perspektiba sa klasikal na isyu. Kapag tinatahi ng manunulat ang danas ng lipunan, bumubuo siya ng katha. Kapag ang katha ay naipaabot sa masa, nagbibigay naman ito ng isang perspektiba kung paano tingnan ang kasalukuyang panahon. Nagpapaanak ng bagong ideya at pananaw sa mambabasa. Katulad sa pagbabasa ng Aliberde ni Lanzaderas. Ang lalim ng talakay sa kuwento ang nagbibigay ng isang makabagong perspektiba kaugnay sa kababaihan bilang biktima ng domestic violence at pagsasalba ni Darna sa kanya. Nagkaroon ng pananaw kaugnay sa status quo ng lipunan ay kinokontrol ng patriyarkal maging ang maliliit na bahay kaya nanatiling buhay ito.

Malaki ang papel ng panitikan para putulin ang sistemang mapaniil. Katulad nito, bawat katha ay may kakayahang himukin ang wisyo ng mambabasa at bumuo ng pananaw na makabago at mapagpabago. Nakabubuo tayo ng sariling konsepto at kamalayan sa tulong ng katha, mas nagiging matibay tayo kontra sa fake news dahil nagsisilbi itong pananggala laban sa umiiral na sistema. 

Bumbero ang pangarap ng isang bata. ‘Di man natupad pero sa pagsusulat ng katha ay maraming apoy ang maaapula niya at daan-daang malay ang masasalba. Taliwas sa laging sinasabi na ang panitikan ang nagpapaningas apoy ng bawat mambabasa; sa pagkakataong ito ang katha ay kayang pumatay ng apoy nang hindi makapaminsala pang muli. Ang apoy rito ay pareho sa santelmong nanupok ng bahay ng mga Katutubo sa Mindanao. Ang apoy na dapat apulahin ay parehong apoy na sumunog sa ekta-ektaryang pananim ng mga magsasaka. Ang apoy na ito ang ‘di basta-basta nawawala at mahirap buhusan ng ‘sang baldeng tubig. Kung bakit mahalaga ang katha, dahil isa ito sa may kapasidad na patayin ang apoy na matagal nang naglalagablab. Ang katha ay isang pamuksa, isang Anti-Imperyalistang sandata laban sa apoy.

Bukod sa pagbibigay nito ng kamalayang panlipunan sa mambabasa, bumubuo rin ang katha ng isang puna para tuligsain ang kabuluktutan ng lipunan at ng pamahalaan. Inaapula nito ang sunog na inumpisahan ng mga mananakop, ganid, diktador, pasista, at maniniil. Sinusubukang magmungkahi ng realidad na bagaman hindi laging kaaya-aya ay may pagtanggap sa mga marhinalisado. Ang katha ang nagsisilbing proteksyon ng mga mahihirap sa mabuay ang tagpi-tagpi nilang bahay nang ‘di daanan ng naglalakihang bulldozer o tupukin ng apoy para gawing subdivision. Nais lang sabihin nito na bumbero ang manunulat at katha, dapat pinapatay nila ang apoy na nagsasanhi ng opresyon sa lipunan. Binubuhusan ng kamalayan, pag-asa, at karunungan hanggang hindi na kumalat ang kamangmangan. 

Sa huli, hindi naman totoo na may narinig na nagkukwentuhan sa beranda. Ni hindi rin dala ang libro ni Lualhati pagpasok sa pamantasan. Hindi rin alam anong mga pangarap ng mga mag-aaral, basta naisip lang. Siguro ganito ang katha; kaya nitong bumuo ng isang sitwasyong ipararanas sa mambabasa ang isang bagay kahit hindi naman talaga natin nararanasan pa. Hindi ito simpatya o pagpapalagay na kung ikaw ang nasa katayuan ng ibang tao; sadyang mapanlinlang ang katha para ihatid sa atin ang hindi natin matanaw. Para tunawin ang pribilehiyo at iparamdam ang ‘di natin dama mula sa kinauupuan habang binabasa itong sanaysay. – Rappler.com

Si Christopher Palomares ay kasalukuyang nag-aaral ng Batsilyer ng Sekondaryang Edukasyon Medyor sa Filipino. Bilang guro sa hinaharap, nangangarap siyang makapagpunla ng kamalayang panlipunan sa bawat mag-aaral.

While she was busy finding the designs she preferred I wore, my eyes were glued to the muscular model’s body on the box. Internally, I was pulled in opposite directions – did I want him or did I want to be him? 

That incident was among those that culminated in the start of my journey as a blossoming gay child – who had yet to come out and still didn’t know what “coming out” even meant.

Perhaps it is a powerful anecdote that summarizes the struggles queer people like myself grapple with.

While people commonly think that the LGBTQ+ struggle only with identifying what and who to like, we also struggle with how our bodies should look.  

For the trans women, trans men, non-binary, and fat queers in our community, the struggle is a lot more intense because of the pressure to conform to normative body standards, as we know very well that non-conformity leads to rejection in social circles, schools, workplaces, families, and even within the LGBTQ+ community. 

This coercive social power to conform leads the most privileged and fortunate within the LGBTQ+ community to carry and inflict upon their siblings – unconsciously and subconsciously – the unrealistic expectations that others have. 

In the popular gay hookup and dating application Grindr, it is commonplace to read messages about people apologizing for their bodies, expressions, and personalities, as if they are not talking to members of the community but to high school bullies, former high school teachers, former human resource managers and bosses, and toxic and judgy relatives.

But in the ballroom scene in the Philippines, people come as they are. Socialized behaviors and perceptions of the “ideal human” are challenged through the use of the body, which teaches all its participants that their bodies are their own possessions and that they have the power to use their bodies to creatively express and, ultimately, liberate themselves.

Previously, I worked with two movement-oriented academics: Buboy and Inna. Their workshops were centered on identifying and realizing the trauma that the body has experienced and buried through the power of dance.

Buboy would say that the mind often forgets, but the body remembers, which is evident in our learned behaviors, responses, and perceptions. In their workshops, people would suddenly remember the dark and vivid memories of past bullying, abuse, and discrimination that have molded their actions and behaviors toward other people. 

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In the same set of workshops, Buboy and Inna said that just because we are within a box, it does not translate to not being capable of tapping into the power of movement. Instead, boxes have spaces inside that allow the person to explore themselves and move, albeit in a more constricted space. 

Growing up as a closeted Catholic kid, I would wear my mother’s heels, puff my face with her powder, lather myself in her fragrant lotion, and pose in front of her mirror hung on her closet. 

When I was still not out, I felt that residue of freedom, despite still living a different life in front of my kindergarten teachers, my churchmates, and my family.

Although the closet is “livable,” and an “alternative life” can flourish, I was like a plant that was suppressed from growing into a full fruit tree because I only had slivers of light coming through the holes and gaps of my box’s doors and flaps. Very similar to the mung bean projects that my elementary school teacher made us do during our summer break, the plant grew, but it could not be forever trapped inside a shoebox.

While my personal journey to coming to peace with my queer body and its vast history, our society and the LGBTQ+ community need to be kinder, more careful, and more purposeful in discussing and dealing with matters of the body.  

These experiences and thoughts perhaps might inform a wider public as to why there is immense anger, resentment, and immediate reactions towards claims of representation that are highly questionable, and that give relative privilege to members of the community that could clearly pass certain standards on any form of media – may it be queer-oriented or not. 

When men who look like the man on the box of briefs crowd the very limited spaces for representation for the community, we risk having stories and opinions only spoken and voiced by people who already fit the mainstream societal standard of a “good” and “ideal” person: the fair-skinned, gym-fit, privileged, educated, and economically mobile cis-man.

Queers are often central to themes of sex, love, and romance, and it must be a point of reflection for those who hold influence and power in the setting narratives what type of stories they want to tell. These days, only the conventionally attractive, physically privileged, and economically well-off are those who have love stories that succeed, while those who do not fit the mold end up as side-kicks, comic reliefs, and a means to an end.

When the media industry selects representatives of the community that reflect our diversity and colorfulness, that sends a more relevant and truthful message to queers who are still navigating, blossoming, and coming to terms with their sexuality, identity, and self-worth.

More than a decade after my mother took me to that department store to buy pairs of briefs, I have my answer. As Beyonce said in her song, “PURE/HONEY,” “You can be both, meet in the middle, dance all night.” I now know where I want to be. – Rappler.com

Albert Pagunsan is a public relations officer of youth-led LGBTQ+ equality organization PANTAY, and a fact-checker for Tsek.PH. Previously, he scaled the operations of #FactsFirstPH partner Fact Check Philippines as its director, and contributed to Movement Against Disinformation’s social media initiatives.

All over the Philippines, the government, both national and local, and private corporations are proposing to reclaim coastal waters (i.e. dump soil to coastal waters to create more land area, thus reclamation or dump-and-fill) for residential and commercial developments. The latest record of the Philippine Reclamation Authority (PRA) as of September 2022 shows a total of 50 reclamation projects at different stages of development in the Philippines, with an estimated total land area of 11,796.43 hectares or roughly the size of Quezon City. This is significantly lower compared to the 187 proposed reclamation projects recorded in February 2022. However, this is still a gross underestimation, as some reclamation and dump-and-fill projects have not yet declared their proposed area.

At least four other reclamation projects in Dumaguete and northern Manila Bay (e.g. 2,500-ha Bulacan Aerotropolis and other dump-and-fill projects of San Miguel Corporation in Navotas, Bulacan, Pampanga and Bataan) are not included in the list of the PRA. With these considerations, it is possible that the total area for reclamation and dump-and-fill projects may double in size (i.e., at least 24,000 ha) than what was reported.

The disruption of such a large area would have extremely alarming impacts on marine and coastal ecosystems. The destruction of mangroves, seagrasses, and corals will lead to marine biodiversity loss and food insecurity. Amid a worsening climate crisis, reclamation will also exacerbate hazards such as land subsidence, flooding, and storm surge experienced by coastal communities. It would also be difficult for marine organisms to repopulate the seas if coastal areas are turned into dry land. The Philippine Association of  Marine Science (PAMS) previously warned against reclamation during the 16^th National Symposium on Marine Science last July 2021. Indeed, the ongoing reclamation projects in the country, especially in Manila Bay, are counterproductive to the conservation and rehabilitation  programs implemented under DENR.  

Aside from the dumping and filling of soil to coastal areas, reclamation also requires dredging or the excavation of sand from beneath the sea and other bodies of water. The ongoing dredging activities in Manila Bay are linked to said reclamation projects. For example, reclamation projects in Cavite as well as San Miguel Corporation’s Bulacan Aerotropolis obtain their filling materials from San Nicholas Shoal off the coast of Cavite.

During a public hearing for one of  the reclamation projects in Cavite in August 2021, the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic  Resources (BFAR) said that the San Nicholas Shoal is a traditional fishing ground of fisherfolk. Given the large area of various reclamation projects in Manila Bay, where will the other  projects obtain their filling materials? If all reclamation projects in Manila Bay obtain their filling materials in San Nicholas Shoal and other nearby municipal waters in Cavite, how will dredging affect benthic ecosystems and subsequently fisheries production? Would there be  enough sand to supply to all reclamation projects? Would it be sustainable in the long run? Fisherfolk in Cavite are already complaining of dwindling fish catch ever since dredging activities started. They report being barred from fishing in their traditional fishing grounds where dredging occurs, and that there was no proper consultation before dredging activities began.  

During the Senate deliberation for the 2023 budget of the DENR, senators grilled DENR officials on the massive reclamation in Manila Bay, to which the Environment Secretary replied that they will look into it. During a forum with different stakeholders held by the DENR in May 2023, it was mentioned that the cumulative impacts of reclamation projects must be studied to determine if reclamation should still be pursued in the country, especially in Manila Bay where there are at least 22 reclamation projects in the pipeline. Since these cumulative impacts are yet to be determined, and the guidelines for the approval of reclamation are still being reviewed by the DENR, the agency should instead implement a moratorium on all reclamation activities to avoid any further damage to our marine ecosystems. While the PRA recently issued a moratorium through Presidential Directive No. 2022-016) on new applications for reclamation projects, the DENR has not issued a moratorium on ongoing reclamation projects that have been previously approved. Are they waiting until it is too late again?  

What happened in Coron should be a wake-up call for the DENR administration. The ECC for the Coron reclamation project was only revoked after irreversible damage was done to the  environment. This could have been avoided if careful, comprehensive, and scientific assessment was conducted. The LGU and DENR should have also listened to their constituents who opposed reclamation projects. The DENR’s belated action against the destructive reclamation project in Coron shows how reactive their approach is toward  environmental management, and how they are indifferent to the sentiments of the affected  communities.

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Philippine fishermen balk at land reclamation projects

All over the country, coastal communities that are affected by various development projects as well as scientists and various environmental groups have been calling on the DENR to stop these projects. Since August 2022, the People’s Network for the Integrity of Coastal Habitats and Ecosystems (People’s NICHE), a wide network of fisherfolk, coastal residents, church people, environmental groups, and scientists, have been seeking a dialogue with DENR Secretary Maria Antonia Yulo-Loyzaga to talk about destructive reclamation and dredging activities in Manila Bay. It was only on April 14, 2023, eight months  after the dialogue was requested, when DENR finally held a formal dialogue with the People’s NICHE.

Meanwhile, a dialogue between BFAR and the fisherfolk of Cavite happened last February 24, 2023 after the latter held a protest against a reclamation-related dredging activity in their area. During the dialogue, BFAR mentioned that the DENR did not consult with them regarding dredging activities in Cavite. BFAR also clarified that they did not issue area clearances for any reclamation project in Manila Bay.  

To further express their disappointment with how poorly the DENR addresses environmental and social issues related to reclamation and dredging, different groups and communities of  fisherfolk, coastal residents, scientists, academics, and environmentalists from all over the country participated in the third National People’s Summit Against Reclamation last June 3–4, 2023. In this event organized by the People’s NICHE, lectures and panel discussions on the situation of communities affected by reclamation and dredging across the country were delivered by invited speakers. A sunset protest in Manila Bay on June 3 and another protest in Mendiola on World Environment Day last June 5 were also held to express their opposition to destructive reclamation and dredging projects. The people are clamoring to stop these projects, and the government, especially the DENR, must listen to them!  

The DENR should revisit the concept of “rehabilitation.” In 2008, the Supreme Court issued a  Continuing Mandamus mandating DENR and other concerned agencies to rehabilitate Manila  Bay. But what’s happening right now is the complete opposite. Allowing dredging, mangrove cutting, and the dumping of soil in our coasts is the total opposite of rehabilitation. Manila Bay remains to be full of trash. While DENR regularly reports the decrease of coliform counts in certain stations in Manila Bay, that is still not enough. Plastic pollution is still rampant from the  mangrove forests in Bulacan and Navotas, to the slums in Tondo and other parts of Metro Manila, up to coastal communities in Rosario, Cavite. The DENR should address that first instead of allowing destructive dredging and reclamation. Moreover, the DENR must also consult with BFAR especially since these projects would affect coastal ecosystems that serve as nursery grounds for fish and marine invertebrates. The DENR must also review the ECC process to avoid irreversible damage to our marine ecosystems, and to also ensure that these development projects will truly benefit communities. Genuine participation of affected communities must also be ensured.  

It would be a disservice to the Filipino people if this kind of approach to environmental management continues. We deserve proactive, pro-environment, and pro-people leaders. We don’t need government officials who only cater to the interests of corporations and the elite. We don’t need tokenistic and performative tree-hugging activities while actual mangrove trees are being destroyed, and coastal communities continue to be vulnerable from disasters. We are tired of hearing false promises of climate solutions that will never be properly implemented. The Marcos administration is almost one year in office, and yet the DENR and its high officials who are tasked to protect our environment and conserve our natural resources are failing in this responsibility.  

We cannot afford another Coron tragedy. With the government’s failure to protect our seas, the people will collectively rise to protect what’s precious to us! – Rappler.com

Jerwin Baure is currently the public information officer of AGHAM – Advocates of Science and  Technology for the People, and a graduating MS Marine Science student in UP Diliman.

Within the recognition of a significant market for LGBTQ+-specific products and services lies the genesis of pink capitalism. While the increasing visibility and acceptance of LGBTQ+ individuals in mainstream culture signify progress, the commodification of their experiences for capitalist gain raises valid concerns. Pride-themed merchandise and the commercialization of Pride events serve as prime examples of pink capitalism, necessitating a closer examination of corporate involvement and its impact on the community’s ongoing struggle for liberation.

Pride merchandise has emerged as a powerful manifestation of pink capitalism, encompassing a wide range of products adorned with rainbow colors and symbols of Pride. From clothing to accessories and flags, businesses ranging from local vendors to multinational corporations eagerly capitalize on the opportunity to showcase their support for LGBTQ+ rights. However, beneath this commercial enterprise lie questions about the authenticity and underlying motivations of corporate involvement in the LGBTQ+ movement.

A key concern surrounding pink capitalism is the concept of “rainbow washing,” where companies adopt Pride-themed merchandise and marketing campaigns as superficial and performative gestures. Such actions often lack a genuine commitment to addressing the systemic issues faced by the LGBTQ+ community or providing sustained support beyond the month of June. Critics argue that this exploitation for profit leads to shallow engagement that fails to bring about meaningful change or long-term impact.

The recent targeted attacks on Target Pride highlight the challenges faced by corporations aligning themselves with LGBTQ+ causes. These incidents not only expose the persistent existence of homophobia within society, but also underscore the risks associated with brands associating themselves with the LGBTQ+ community. The Target Pride controversy emphasizes the need for corporations to take a proactive approach in addressing homophobia and offering genuine support to the communities they claim to stand with.

While scrutinizing the motives and ethics of companies engaged in pink capitalism is crucial, individual consumers also play a pivotal role in promoting ethical consumerism. Making informed choices that align with personal values involves supporting LGBTQ+-owned businesses, prioritizing companies that demonstrate genuine and sustained support for the LGBTQ+ community, and holding corporations accountable beyond Pride Month. By actively engaging in ethical consumerism, individuals contribute to dismantling the exploitative tendencies of pink capitalism.

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To transcend the limitations and criticisms of pink capitalism, a shift in focus is necessary — toward genuine and sustained support for LGBTQ+ communities. This shift involves centering community voices and needs, addressing systemic issues, fostering meaningful partnerships with LGBTQ+ organizations, and prioritizing long-term change over short-lived profit-driven gestures. By doing so, the LGBTQ+ movement can transcend the boundaries imposed by capitalism, cultivating an inclusive and authentic Pride movement.

As Pride Month unfolds, a moment of contemplation awaits us — a chance to reflect on the complexities of pink capitalism. Beyond the vibrant surface lies a phenomenon that requires our careful examination: the commodification and commercialization of LGBTQ+ identities and struggles, posing thought-provoking questions that deserve our attention.

Amidst these challenges, we must ask ourselves: can we transcend the limitations of pink capitalism and restore the authenticity that underpins the Pride movement? It is essential to critically analyze the notion of “rainbow washing” — superficial gestures by companies that lack genuine commitment. By redirecting our focus toward meaningful support, collaboration, and sustained advocacy, we can pave the way for lasting change. Let us rise above the exploitative tendencies of capitalism and foster an inclusive Pride movement that embodies authenticity and progress. – Rappler.com

Ralph Revelar Sarza is a metadata development specialist at ABS-CBN Corporation. He is also a volunteer at Open Table MCC, an LGBTQ+-affirming Church in Metro Manila.

While they see poverty and inequality all around them, they are taught to valorize “clean-cut” NGO work and villainize “messy” movements for radical change. While they deal with the high prices of commodities, including the education they so value, they are conditioned to look away from historical fact and look down on ideas borne or adopted by those who have suffered the most from the land-grabbing, pocket-emptying blows of the past.

And so, as the Philippines grapples with the legacy of colonization, its young people face the confusion of choosing pathways to change. Despite having one of the largest and most active civil society movements in the Global South, only a fraction of its youth learn the history and power dynamics that are tied to the continuation of poverty and inequality in the country.

The Philippine aid sector from the 1940s to the 2020s

Sonny Africa documented the Philippine development sector’s postcolonial journey from the 1940s to the 2010s. In the 1940s and 1950s, after World War II, the government controlled the flow of funds for postwar rehabilitation and development, while leadership remained in the hands of politicians seeking re-election and their foreign backers. It was during this period that migration to Mindanao increased, driven by the desire to exploit indigenous peoples’ lands for elite-led development as well as relocate the impoverished farmers from the Tagalog and Bisaya regions who had been fighting for agrarian reform and economic independence.

From the 1960s onwards, the aid industry in the Philippines grew to be dominated by the business class, the Catholic Church, and the United States government, which led to a gradual absorption of radical pressures by conservative forces. Martial Law and the People Power Revolution divided those who supported armed struggle from those who sought political reforms. With this division, foreign funding flowed to NGOs, some of them being used to delegitimize activist and militant movements and make neoliberal policies more acceptable by providing temporary aid to mitigate the policies’ adverse effects.

In the early 2020s, the COVID-19 pandemic created space for Filipinos to experiment with new ways of supporting each other, even as the national government introduced policies such as the Anti-Terrorism Act, delaying, impeding, or even preventing the delivery of aid to communities in need. Civil society also mobilized for the 2022 national and local elections, with powerful countries like the United States and China maintaining alliances with officials, candidates, and NGOs to give elite politics a palatable development facade.

China, Japan, the United States, and other global powerhouses continue to fund aid in the Philippines, aligning organizations and movements to their agenda. Arundhati Roy has famously problematized this as the NGO-ization of resistance, warning that financiers oversee the neocolonial project, bring about the slash in government spending in the first place, and even create opportunities for corruption among local elites. Notably, despite neocolonial control over aid, the country retains its mass movement and armed revolutionary struggles, steadfast in working with communities in the midst of compounding crises.

The harms of failing to decolonize aid

Since the 1940s, young Filipinos have been molded by education systems implemented during the colonial period, particularly under American influence, which still propagate narratives that justify the presence and influence of foreign powers today. This imposition has perpetuated a sense of dependency on Global North models of change, priming the mindset of Filipinos to value external validation and solutions.

Now, the Filipino youth tend to select pathways that are perceived to bring external validation and economic stability. Some young people speak and write threadbare statements about how neocolonialism and its accompanying phenomena are not necessarily “bad,” enabled by their own teachers and peers. Others rely largely on exercising their right to vote to effect change locally and nationally, instead of practicing their wide array of rights and fighting for more rights to be recognized by the state. Others entwine themselves almost entirely with development opportunities such as fellowships and scholarships funded by the Global North, without bothering to build a thorough knowledge of history and power dynamics and ties with communities on the ground.

While this piece does not aim to vilify the youth’s attempts at participating in social change, what the youth may not realize is that when they live out neocolonial ideologies, they contribute to the marginalization of local communities and reinforce existing power structures. This sustains a society where decision-making and resource allocation remain concentrated in the hands of those with the most power and privilege. In such a society, disempowerment takes over, hindering the ability of communities to define and pursue their own development priorities.

Moreover, when young people prioritize colonial values, norms, and development models, they contribute to the unraveling and erasure of indigenous cultures, knowledge systems, and ways of life. This cultural erosion diminishes the rich identities and collective wisdom present in the Global South, endorsing a narrow and homogenized understanding of development. Such an understanding of development may prioritize short-term gains at the expense of the long-term needs determined by the grassroots.

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The role of young people in decolonizing aid

Young people hold immense potential in driving change, particularly in the context of decolonizing aid. The active involvement of youth is crucial in challenging power imbalances, reweaving narratives, and promoting equitable practices in the aid sector. The primary responsibility for this lies in the hands of education systems, which should effectively facilitate the learning of young people, so that the youth may break free from the colonial ideologies that have limited the Philippine imagination for so long.

While education systems still come short in teaching young people to seek the truth and think for themselves, the youth must go the extra mile to understand history, question existing power dynamics, and embrace innovative approaches to development. Part of this is making themselves aware of the strings attached to publicly justifying certain development ideologies and engaging exclusively in development activities that are largely funded by and economically beneficial to the Global North.

Starting by seeing these threads, young Filipinos can fulfill their vital role in decolonizing aid and reimagining a future characterized by freedom and self-determination. – Rappler.com

Angela Maree Encomienda, 23, is a social innovator with a heart for child and youth participation, gender equality, and digital literacy. She is the founder and chairperson of The Initiative PH and the National Youth Convenor of YouthVote Philippines.

My years of “the grind” have taught me that these are not the companies anyone should work with. 

There is a growing number of companies that need writers but don’t have the budget to hire locally. One would think that a company trying to hire Filipino writers to cut on labor costs would at least have human decency. Instead, they have the audacity to expect quality work for peanuts. 

The average American freelance writer can charge from $0.10-$1.00 per word. The higher the expertise, the higher the price. For some time, the beginner rate of Filipino writers started at “piso per word.” That is 0.018 cents USD as of 2023. The sad part? Some experienced writers still stick to this rate. The even sadder part? Some beginner writers take work for less.

For a while, I’ve accepted this as the norm. I’ve justified it with ideas that, in hindsight, no longer make sense. 

I’d think, “The cost of living is different in other countries. So of course they’d be paid more.” That stopped making sense knowing that writers overseas are being paid a livable wage in their country while Filipino writers need twice the work for half the price to survive in our country. 

Another argument was, “They have better education over there, so of course they’d be paid more.” I have a Bachelor’s degree in Communication. Most Filipino writers are degree holders in similar fields. To be a freelance writer overseas, you don’t even have to go to college. And it’s not like them being foreign proves that they are more knowledgeable in the simplest requirements of writing, like good grammar. The Philippines ranks 22 out of 111 countries in English proficiency.  

Why, then, do we think we deserve less than? 

Let’s break down the system that’s in play for us. Why is it standard that experienced Filipino writers still need to take a grammar assessment? How come a degree, course training certificates, years of experience, and an extensive portfolio still require a writing test? Is this the way all writers are assessed regardless of country of origin? 

The answer is no.

This answer was something that came from deep self-reflection. I do not come from a well-off family, but I was lucky to have gone to an International high school on full scholarship. While half of my classmates were Filipino, half were from different parts of the world, who came to the Philippines to learn English. High school taught me many things, but one of the negative life lessons to come from it is that one can experience racism in their own country.

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I can understand that my classmates were still learning English, so a sort of buddy system was in place for group studies. I didn’t mind helping my classmates out in that way. But they did get special treatment in other ways. Filipino students got in trouble for things international students got away with. Teachers expected more from us, and was thus more lax with them. We were taught to show kindness and understanding to the international students because of our differences, but not the other way around.

The problem was not the international students. It wasn’t their fault they were being treated better. It was the system that was at fault. The system had created a barrier beyond language proficiency. The administration had set the standard, and we all complied.

This system taught us that the world is big, and the solution to harmonious living is to make yourself smaller. Be less so that others can have more. Take less because you are small. That is the natural order. 

I am inclined to believe that at least once in your career (or life even), you were taught to be small because of race, appearance, gender, educational background, beliefs etc. Historically, us Filipinos have made ourselves small to “welcome” colonizers, thus experiencing racism in our own country. 

The same goes for the world of the open market for freelance creatives. 

However, I believe fate creates patterns in order for people to recognize them and break them. Generations before me have tolerated this system and passed it on. I tolerated this system as a child in unfamiliar territory. As an adult with a bigger view of the world, I don’t think I’d like to tolerate it any further.

My reflections are not targeted at the people who have created this system. They are meant for beginner writers with “less than” rates. They are for the veteran writers who believe in “the grind.” They are for the novelists, social media specialists, and content marketers who’ve spent hours learning through online courses and spent years building a portfolio. 

Filipino writers, you are being treated poorly not because of competition, not because of your educational background, and not because foreign writers are “better at it,” but because you are being discriminated against. 

I am aware that not everybody has the same privilege to reject work. When I began as a freelancer, I took on “piso per word” projects. Three years in, I make enough to reject low-paying jobs. And since the economy has changed, I expected the “piso per word” standard to change as well. But it hasn’t. In fact, some rates are now significantly lower. The system is broken, and more and more writers now believe that the solution is to become even smaller.

I’m not telling you to reject every job offer because of low rates. I’m asking that you stop minimizing your own potential. Even beginners don’t deserve five hours’ worth of work plus back-and-forth revisions for pay that doesn’t even cover the bills.

Don’t take on every project that comes your way with open arms. Negotiate the pay or the working conditions. Find clients that are easier to work with. Skip the sketchy posts. Apply for the higher paying gigs. If you’re having trouble finding good places to start, write a blog. Enter your stories in writing forums for tips. Submit your essays online. Do discounted work for family, friends, or small businesses that you want to support. It’s all still low pay, but at least you won’t be lining the pockets of companies that want to take advantage of the broken system. 

Opportunities exist. Find them or make them, and believe you deserve them. Have the audacity to take up space.

The world is big. It’s only going to get bigger. But that doesn’t make you small. It means there’s plenty of space to grow. Don’t let the world make you believe you can’t fit. There’s enough space for everybody. – Rappler.com

Mur Florendo is an SEO researcher and writer by day and an aspiring spoken word poet and novelist with more drafts than final products. When they are not writing, they spend their time reading, painting, and having conversations with their cats.

Gamit ang ChatGPT, ito ang aking prompt: Create a synopsis for the sequel of FPJ’s Ang Probinsyano.

Matapos ang ilang segundo, ang sumusunod ang unedited na tugon ng AI tool:

The sequel to FPJ’s Ang Probinsyano picks up a few years after the events of the original series. Cardo Dalisay has retired from the police force and is now living a quiet life with his wife, Alyana, and their children.

However, their peaceful existence is shattered when a new threat emerges in the form of a powerful and ruthless drug cartel. The cartel is led by a cunning and resourceful mastermind who will stop at nothing to control the drug trade in the country.

Despite his initial reluctance, Cardo is called back into action to help the police take down the cartel. He is joined by a new team of officers, including some old friends and allies, as well as a few new faces.

As they work to dismantle the cartel’s operations, Cardo and his team face numerous challenges and obstacles, including corruption within the police force, rival gangs, and personal betrayals. Along the way, they also uncover a web of intrigue and deception that leads them to the highest levels of government and threatens to destroy everything they hold dear.

With the stakes higher than ever before, Cardo and his team must use all their skills and resources to bring the cartel to justice and restore peace to the country. But as the body count rises and the danger escalates, they realize that the only way to win is to fight fire with fire and take the battle directly to the cartel’s doorstep.

Nakakabilib na nakalikha kaagad ng buod ng sequel ng FPJ’s Ang Probinsyano ang isang AI tool. Retirado na si Cardo. Buhay pala si Alyana. Kinakailangang bumalik sa serbisyo si Cardo dahil hindi pa tapos ang laban. Nabanggit ang pagpuksa ng drug cartel sa bansa. Para sa isang manunulat na nag-iisip ng posibleng concept pitch, maaari niya itong gamitin bilang basehan. Ang problema – kung magiging dependent ang mga nasa industriya ng midya sa ganitong uri ng paglikha, paano na ang mga manggagawa, partikular na ang mga manunulat, kung ito ang magiging makakasanayang praktis? 

Ayon sa ulat ng Vox, mungkahi ng WGA na hindi maaaring i-credit ang ChatGPT at anomang katulad bilang manunulat sa mga produksyon. Dapat tao ang manunulat. 

Kamakailan naman, inamin ni Coco Martin, direktor at bida sa FPJ’s Ang Batang Quiapo, na walang iskrip ang mga artista para sa kanilang mga eksena liban lamang sa guide na kanilang sinusundan. Napaisip ako, kung wala silang iskrip, nasaan ang mga manunulat?

Ang laban ng mga manunulat sa Estados Unidos ay laban din ng mga manunulat sa ating bayan. 

Bilang nagtuturo ng pagsulat at midya, hindi ko maaaring ihiwalay ang diskusyon ng sining sa pagsulat kung iwawaksi ang usapin tungkol sa mga balakid ng mga manunulat sa loob at labas ng bansa. 

Ang mga manunulat ay mga manggagawa ring may malaking ambag sa lipunan: entertainment. Gamit ang mga salita bilang sangkap sa isang palabas, sila ang mga nagpahagalpak o nagpahagulgol sa mga manonood. Sa likod ng glamorosong mundo ng midya, ilang manggagawa ang nagtatiyaga para ipalabas ang paborito mong programa sa telebisyon o pelikula sa pinilakang tabing. 

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Bukod sa pamimirata ng mga palabas sa onlayn hanggang sa mababang sahod kung ikukumpara sa ibang industriya, kalbaryo para sa ilang mga manunulat ang pagtatrabaho bilang project-based na manggagawa na maaaring walang benepisyong natatanggap dahil sa kalikasan ng trabaho. No work project, no pay. 

Masakit din kung iisiping baduy ang pagtingin ng ilang mga Pilipino sa mga palabas na gawang atin. Hindi man mapagkakaila na may katotohanan sa kanilang opinyon kung bakit mas tinatangkilik nila ang gawang banyaga kaysa sa atin dahil sa kalidad nito, dapat ding isipin na biktima rin ang mga manunulat sa systemic na problemang ekonomik na maaaring hindi tahas na alam ng mga manonood. Paano ka magsusulat kung kumakalam ang iyong sikmura (o ang iba naman, nabubuhay sa diyetang kape at yosi para maitawid ang isang araw ng pagsusulat)? Paano ka magsusulat kung pinoproblema mo kung paano mababayaran ang gabundok na bayarin sa iyong tahanan? Paano ka magsusulat kung naupos na ang iyong imahinasyon dahil ang iyong physiological needs ay hindi nasasagot? 

Sa aking panayam sa ilang mga kaibigang umalis na sa industriya ng midya, ilan sa mga dahilan ng kanilang paglisan ang mababang pasahod, mahabang working hours, namamayaning pulitika, at hindi makataong working conditions. Ang isa, nagturo na sa akademya dahil mas malaki nga naman ang sasahurin niya kada oras ng pagtuturo kaysa sa dating trabaho. Ang isa naman, matapos magpalipat-lipat ng mga kompanya, namasukan na lamang bilang virtual assistant dahil na rin sa magandang sistema ng pagsahod at mas flexible na iskedyul. Ang iba, pinili ang mundo ng corporate dahil sa mga natatanggap na mga insentibo at mga benepisyo na madalas wala kung ikaw ay nagtatrabaho bilang project-based o freelance. 

Nangarap din akong magtrabaho bilang fultaym na manunulat. Hangad kong mapanood ang sarili kong mga obra sa anomang film festival, tampok ang aking pangalan. Sa ngayon, masaya akong nagsisilbing gabay ng aking mga mag-aaral sa pagsulat ng kanilang iskrip hanggang sa pagbuo ng maikling pelikula o dokyumentaryo bilang kahingian sa aking klase. 

Minsan, naiisip kong sayang naman kung hindi ko magagamit ang aking digri sa malikhaing pagsulat kung hindi ako maghahanap ng trabahong may kaugnayan sa aking napiling larangan. Wala man ako sa writers’ room, kasama ang ilang manunulat na nag-ko-conceptualize para sa susunod na episode ng teleserye, o nag-iisip ng story pitch para sa maaaring maging kauna-unahang pelikulang Pilipino na mananalo ng inaasam na Oscars, nasa loob naman ako ng apat na sulok ng silid-aralan (o kahon ng video conferencing platform), nagbabahagi ng kaalaman sa pagsulat at kamalayan tungkol sa ating lipunan. 

Sa ngayon, komportable man akong nagtuturo ngunit dapat din akong maalarma, baka bukas o makalawa, palitan na ako ng AI tool sa aking minahal na trabaho. – Rappler.com

Si Patrick Ernest Celso ay kasalukuyang nagtuturo ng kasanayang pagsulat sa ilalim ng Departamento ng Filipino sa Pamantasang De La Salle. Nagtapos siya ng MA Creative Writing at BSE English sa Unibersidad ng Santo Tomas. Hinihintay niya ang ikatlong season ng Abbott Elementary at The White Lotus.

What is so special and novel about this new oath is its emphasis not only on a lawyer’s adherence to justice under the rule of law, but also to its active protection and promotion. The relevant portion of the revised lawyers’ oath states; 

“I shall work towards promoting the rule of law and a regime of truth, justice, freedom, love, equality, and peace. I shall conscientiously and courageously work for justice as well as safeguard the rights and meaningful freedoms of all persons, identities, and communities. I shall ensure greater and equitable access to justice.” 

In contrast to the previous lawyers’ oath, the word “justice” was expressed three times in the new oath, which signifies its central and utmost importance in the legal profession. 

One might get the impression that this thematic emphasis on justice is some lofty abstraction far removed from matters of daily living. On the contrary, it is far more grounded than it seems. In his speech before his Petition for Admission to the Bar of the Successful 2022 Bar Candidates, Justice Caguioa said that lawyers are the modern-day gladiators who fight for their client’s cause, whose main skillset is critical thinking and whose weapons of defending their client against injustice are his words, both written and spoken.  

He particularly emphasized that in doing so, lawyers must be reminded that the opposing party is also another human being that deserves justice as much as his client. This holistic perspective of justice plants the roots of the legal practice on the basic principle of fairness in every aspect of human interaction. As Justice Caguioa aptly puts it, “It is not so much to win at any cost, not to get your client’s pound of flesh, but rather to see the adversary as one who has his side of  the story to tell, his own right to be heard.” 

While the analogy that lawyers are his client’s gladiators is indeed true, I would propose an alternative one. Just as the members of the Armed Forces are guardians of the State’s territorial integrity and protector of our people; members of the Bar are sentinels of justice under the rule of law. Like George R.R. Martin’s Order of the Night’s Watch in A Song of Ice and Fire, lawyers are the watchers of the walls of justice. They are the shield that guards against the realm and its people against injustice.

To be a member of the Bar is not as glamorous as it is perceived to be. As the 2023 #HernanDoIt Bar Chairperson, Justice Ramon Paul Hernando, said, “membership in the Bar is not a self-centered occupation. It is a delicate and jealous privilege, a dangerous mission towards fairness and justice, and an unbreakable relationship with society.” Like the Crows in the Order of the Night’s Watch, good lawyers wear no crown and win no glory. True and honest lawyers live and die at their post ever-vigilant against perpetrators of injustice and detractors of the rule of law. They ought not to be content with sustaining their lives from the coin of their clients like some common sell-sword. There is a saying in the home province of my mother in Mindanao that roughly translates in English to, “The law ends where the road ends.” That is why, like the brave rangers of the Watch, lawyers ought venture to the wilderness beyond the comfort and security of the wall. 

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A fine exemplar of this would be the #BestBarEver Lawyers of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines Cebu Chapter, who have scaled the hills and waded the shores of the islands of Cebu province as well as in neighboring provinces like Bohol and Southern Leyte just to provide legal aid services under the Abogados to the Barrios program. In 2022 alone they completed 90 legal aid missions under the leadership of their former chapter president, Cheryl Pamela Palacao-Condat. This 2023, from January to April, they completed 31 missions thus far under the current leadership of Michael Francis Hubahib. Justice Marvic Leonen, who champions public service, would be very proud of this feat of service that  they have accomplished and the spirit of volunteerism that they have displayed. 

For the #CaguiWarrior Lawyers of 2022, who have recently been inducted into the legal  profession, it is our challenge to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with our seniors in furthering the initiative of making justice accessible even to the remote corners of our republic, beyond where the road ends. The path in which the advocates of justice will trek will be dark and cold like the north of Westeros, where the Order of the Night’s Watch are stationed to stand vigil. As the ink on our signatures dry on the roll, we pick up our torches toward the unknown wilderness beyond – for night gathers, and now our watch begins. – Rappler.com

Niño Vince P. Suelto, Esq. graduated with a degree in AB Political Science in 2011 at the Ateneo de Manila University, and a Juris Doctor degree in 2022 at San Beda College Alabang School of Law. He took the bar exam last November 2022 and successfully passed it on April 14, 2023.