The Supreme Court (SC), considered the court of last resort, consists of the chief justice and 14 associate justices.

The current line up of High Court justices is composed of appointees of former presidents Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and Rodrigo Duterte.

Only two of the 15 current justices were appointed by Aquino, while the rest, including Chief Justice Alexander Gesmundo, are Duterte appointees. (See chart below.)

Based on tenure, Associate Justice Mario Lopez is the closest to retirement – he will end his term in June 2025. Meanwhile, four justices will remain until 2036: Associate Justices Ramon Paul Hernando, Jose Midas Marquez, Antonio Kho Jr., and Maria Filomena Singh.

Hernando, Marquez, Kho, and Singh will serve across four Philippine presidents – Duterte, incumbent President Marcos, and the two chief executives after Marcos.

Among existing magistrates, Justice Marvic Leonen is the most senior, followed by Associate Justice Alfredo Benjamin Caguioa. Chief Justice Gesmundo is Duterte’s most senior appointee.

Appointing power

In terms of appointees, late dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos holds the most number of appointed justices with 30 appointed associate justices and six chief justices. Because the late tyrant clung to power for over 20 years, he had the extended privilege of appointing more justices.

There were recent presidents, whose term is limited to only six years, who were unable to appoint chief justices because SC justices can serve only until 70 years old. Among them was Noynoy Aquino because his lone chief justice appointee – Maria Lourdes Sereno – was booted out of the High Tribunal.

Sereno was ousted via quo warranto, and was never considered to have become chief justice as her appointment was voided.

As a result of her ouster, Duterte was able to appoint four chief justices, including Teresita de Castro, who took over Sereno’s vacated post. De Castro served for only 46 days. After her, Lucas Bersamin took over as chief justice, serving for less than a year.

Early years

During the SC’s early years, the chief justices were appointed by US presidents since the Philippines was still an American colony at the time. The chief justice’s seat was, however, reserved for Filipinos, and Cayetano Arellano was chosen as the first chief justice. He is, so far, the chief justice who has served the longest – 18 years and 81 days.

Not all appointments to the High Court have been Filipinos because when the Philippine Supreme Court was established in 1901, American justices were allowed to sit as associate justices. Elias Finley Johnson, an American, was the longest serving associate justice who stayed in office for 29 years and 52 days.

When the Commonwealth of the Philippines was established in 1935, the power to appoint chief magistrates was transferred to the Philippine president. Since then, all the seats of associate justices have been taken by Filipinos.

Late chief justice Jose Yulo was the only chief magistrate who was not appointed by a president – he was chosen by the Philippine Executive Commission (PEC) headed by Jorge Vargas. The PEC assumed government functions in the country when it was under Japanese occupation from January 1942 to September 1943.

Since 1901, male justices have dominated the Supreme Court with only 18 female associate justices having been appointed. Among the 27 chief justices, only one is female – former chief justice De Castro.

SC justices through the years

In total, there have been 27 chief justices and 194 associate justices appointed from 1901 to the present (May 2023).

The most number of appointments were made during the 1980s. This was because when the late former president Corazon Aquino took over the presidency after dictator Marcos’ ouster, she called on SC justices to allow her make new appointments to the High Court. Some justices heeded the call and resigned. (See chart below. Click on the years to see corresponding appointments.)

Aquino reappointed both Hugo Gutierrez Jr. and Ameurfina Melencio-Herrera. The two were the only associate justices who have been reappointed by a president or an appointing power to the same position in the High Court.

Gutierrez was appointed by the late dictator in 1982 and served until February 1986. He was reappointed by Aquino in April 1986 and completed his term in March 1993.

Meanwhile, Melencio-Herrera, the second woman associate justice in the SC after Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, was appointed by Marcos in January 1979 and served until February 1986. She was reappointed by Aquino in 1986 and served until her retirement in May 1992.

Quick history

The SC was established through Act No. 136 of the Philippine Commission on June 11, 1901.

Although the Philippine Supreme Court has no direct connection to the Spaniards’ Real Audiencia de Manila, the audencias served as “backdrops in retelling the history of the present Supreme Court,” the High Court said. The Real Audiencia stood as a judicial body during the Spanish colonization, with the function of both trial and appellate court.

Article VIII, section 4 of the 1987 Constitution states that the High Court must be composed of a chief justice and 14 associate justices. Chief Justice excluded, the most senior justice usually holds the title of senior associate justice. – Rappler.com

The 2023 index ranks 180 countries around the world, based on political, legal, sociocultural, economic, and media safety factors.

“In countries (in the Asia-Pacific) reputed to be more democratic, the media face pressure from increasingly authoritarian and/or nationalist governments,” the RSF’s analysis of the region wrote.

Data from ASEAN countries show that almost all member-states rank at the bottom half of the index. The Philippines, one of the few democratic republics in Asia, ranks 132nd, lower than neighbors Malaysia (73rd), Indonesia (108th), and Singapore (129th).

In this timeline, you can see ASEAN member-state rank changes over the years, starting from 2012. You can choose from the drop-down options which country whose timeline you want to focus on.

It’s important to note that the RSF’s formula for calculating a country’s rank has changed over the years, as recently as its 2022 index:

What press freedom challenges have ASEAN member-states faced in recent times?

Government-controlled media

Countries like Vietnam (178th) and Laos (160th) do not have free, independent media. Vietnam ranks the lowest amongst the ASEAN in 2023.

The Communist Party of Vietnam had controlled the country since the end of the Vietnam War in 1975. In turn, all major forms of media have been under party control.

Print and radio are controlled by the sole-ruling Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, which limits and censors foreign press operating in the country.

Since the military coup on February 1, 2021, press freedom in Myanmar has become non-existent. The country, from ranking 140th in 2021, dropped to 176th in 2022. The country is No. 173 this year.

With social media sites blocked from internet access, as well as the suspension of operation licenses for local media groups, the military junta now in control in Myanmar tightened its grip on the kind of information that can be presented to the outside world.

Constricting legislation

Singapore passed the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act in 2021, banning local media from reporting on politics “on behalf of a foreign principal,” but still seemingly allows foreign reporting and commenting on Singaporean politics.

A Vietnamese cybersecurity law that passed in 2019 required technology firms such as Facebook and Google to store data on Vietnamese users locally.

Foreigners who wish to cover events in Laos are required by law to ask for permission for coverage, and submit their articles for approval afterward.

Brunei’s (No. 142) Sedition Act makes it a crime to criticize the Sultan or the royal family. Thailand (No. 106) is known for its strict “lese majeste” laws, criminalizing defamation, insults, and even threats against the King and his family.

Freedom of information

Singapore’s Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act in 2019 allows the government to revise or correct online information that is deemed “false,” allowing political critics to be effectively silenced.

The Philippines under the Aquino administration in 2013 had failed to pass the Freedom of Infomation (FOI) bill, a major blow to government transparency and press freedom at the time. Signed in 2019 under the Duterte administration, the FOI system faces roadblocks, especially when requests are deemed “vexatious“.

In Cambodia (147th), Prime Minister Hun Sen has been active in the suppression of media, ordering closures in 2018 of different social media pages that would incite turmoil and unrest that could undermine national security.

It has only stepped up its efforts to suppress the media, as the country nears its July 2023 national elections.

Threats to media workers

Any negative reporting in Laos can have criminal consequences. In 2019, Houayheuang Xayabouly was sentenced to five years in prison for reporting on the government’s poor response to flooding in the country.

The Vietnamese 1990 Press Law (amended in 2016) states that the press has the responsibility to report truthfully, followed by a statement on protecting the interests of the ruling party.

In the Philippines, the drawn-out rounding up of those involved in the deadly Maguindanao massacre also dealt a blow to justice for the 32 journalists killed in the massacre.

Even in 2022, victims continue to wait for justice for their loved ones killed at the hands of the Ampatuan clan in the Maguindanao region.

According to RSF numbers, 74 journalists and a media worker are currently detained in Myanmar.

Glimmer of hope

Despite the repressive atmosphere of press freedom in ASEAN, recent events offer hope for a turnaround in the region.

Rappler CEO Maria Ressa, who has been the target of court cases in the Philippines since 2018, including cyber libel, libel, and tax evasion charges, was recently acquitted of four charges of tax evasion in January 2023.

The Cambodian Journalists Alliance Association, founded in 2019, is a group formed by Cambodian journalists that helps protect independent media workers in the country.

Indonesia, despite legislation that attempts to limit criticism against the government and religions, faces a unique challenge: being able to deliver news to almost 280 million Indonesians in the country.

RSF estimates there are 100,000 journalists in the country, meaning there is one journalist for every 2,800 Indonesians.

Timor-Leste, an ASEAN member “in principle,” ranks the highest among the regional group, in 10th spot, from 17th in 2022 and 71st in 2021. The youngest democracy in Asia, the island nation boasts of publications in Tetum, Portugese, and English.

Despite the decriminalization of libel in 2009, the country’s media practitioners are still susceptible to government pressure on what should and should not be reported.

Timorese journalist Francisco Belo Simões da Costa was sued in May 2022 over a corruption story, on the grounds of “slanderous denunciation,” a workaround term for defamation in the country. – Rappler.com

For instance, based on data from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA), college graduates and those who have at least enrolled in some college courses comprise 38.6% of the underemployed. Junior high school graduates, as well as those who have reached but not completed junior high school, comprise 34% of the underemployed.

Underemployment occurs when people are not working full-time, have full-time work but are looking for more hours to make ends meet, or have skills that do not match their current jobs.

In terms of age group, the millennials or the 25-34 age group reported the highest underemployment, comprising 35.2% of the total underemployed in the country.

The 15-24 age group make up 33% of the total underemployed persons.

In terms of occupation type, those whose jobs are classified as elementary occupations comprise 29.1% of the total labor force.

Tasks performed by workers in elementary occupations usually include cleaning, performing basic maintenance in households, washing cars and windows, and simple tasks in food preparation. Those who deliver messages or goods, carry luggage, and sweep streets are also in this category.

The PSA earlier reported that some 3.3 million jobs were added in the 12 months to February 2023, bringing the total number of employed Filipinos to 48.8 million. The unemployment rate decreased from 6.4% in February 2022 to 4.8% in February 2023.

However, data from the PSA also showed that almost 1.4 million or 41% of these new jobs are those held by people who reported that they have work in family businesses but are unpaid. There are currently 4.8 million “unpaid workers.”

The PSA defines an unpaid family worker as someone who works without pay on one’s own family-operated farm or business by another member living in the same household. The room and board and any cash allowance given as incentives are not counted as compensation for these family workers.

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Aside from the quality of jobs, Filipinos are also challenged by rising prices of goods.

Inflation is unlikely to fall within the government’s desired target range of 2% to 4% in 2023. It is expected to hit between 5% and 7% in 2023, given the persisting high prices of food, energy, and transport costs.

The chart below shows how minimum wage earners are affected by inflation. The darker the color, the harder the impact.

Metro Manila’s nominal minimum wage is at P570. But the daily wage “feels” like it’s just P500.44, as inflation shaves off P69.56 from it.

– Rappler.com

These pieces of information are mainly from documents the company submitted to the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) obtained by Rappler. 

RDC is primarily engaged in the “business of marine services including but not limited to tank cleaning and other related services.” 

Its secondary purposes are to: 

• “engage in the business of domestic shipping and the delivery of oil and petroleum products related activities”
• “engage in the business of buying, selling, marketing, supplying, distributing of goods such as oil/petroleum products, slightly used heavy equipments and machineries and other related products on wholesale/retail basis”

RDC is a 100% Filipino company owned by the Cabial family. Its office is in Mandaluyong City. 

Its officers are:

• Reymundo Duldulao Cabial, chief executive officer (CEO) and president
• Criselda L. Cabial, chief financial officer/treasurer
• Fritzie Faye L. Cabial, vice-president
• Reia Faye Cabial, corporate secretary
• Francis John Cabial, auditor 
• Reield Faye L. Cabial, director

One of the original incorporators in 2014 was Reina Loraine L. Inducil. 

RDC was registered with the SEC in 2014. Its paid-up capital was P5 million raised by six stockholders, mostly by its CEO/president.

As of December 2021, the company’s financial statements show: 

• Total revenues: P73 million 
• Net income before tax: P355,226
• Net income: P284,181
• Total assets: P81 million 
• Current liabilities: P1.1 million 
• Vessels’ worth: P65.5 million
• Worth of vessel under construction: P4.1 million 

The company was deemed by the Maritime Industry Authority (MARINA) to be financially capable of maintaining its operations. MARINA’s mandate is to ensure ships are safe for people and the environment.

The initials RDC appear to have come from the first letters of the name of its CEO/president. 

So far, only Fritzie Cabial has spoken publicly on the sinking of MT Princess Empress. The statements of RDC that have been sent to the media have been attributed to her. She is identified as Fritzie Tee, vice president for administration and external affairs.

She also appeared before the Senate committee on environment, natural Resources, and climate change to testify on the incident. Tee said RDC is a “small corporation” but has its “own initiatives to help our kababayans (fellow citizens).”

She also met with local government officials of Oriental Mindoro on March 6. The meeting was held closed-door as requested by the company. Oriental Mindoro Governor Humberto Dolor told reporters that he met with representatives of RDC who apologized for the incident. The representatives told him they were not “just the children of the owner” but the actual “owners” of the company.

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Tanker owner guarantees ‘commitment’ to Oriental Mindoro oil spill cleanup

In the Senate hearing, she said RDC’s amended Certificate of Public Convenience had been approved by MARINA, and that MT Princess Empress was operating with a valid permit. This, however, was belied by senators and the chief of the regulatory agency, MARINA administrator Hernani Fabia, who said that the process of approving the amended CPC and the addition of MT Princess Empress to the company’s fleet – thus authorizing it to sail – was still not final.

MT Princess Empress had no permit, sailed 9 times prior to sinking in Oriental Mindoro

Fritzie was a broadcast reporter of TV5, as gleaned from some materials from the web. She married Marc Justin Tee in 2018. She also has an Instagram account set to private.

The local government of Oriental Mindoro, which is expected to be most affected by the oil spill, plans to sue RDC for damage to the environment and loss of livelihood. 

The company has put up a website with information about the incident as well as the steps RDC is taking in response to the oil spill: http://princessempressinformationcentre.com. – with Jodesz Gavilan/Rappler.com

IN PHOTOS: Oil spill cleanup in Buhay na Tubig, Oriental Mindoro

Rappler visualized a network of those allegedly involved in the case based on the Department of Justice (DOJ)’s report, and Escorial’s extrajudicial confession.

The joint investigation conducted by the DOJ, the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG), National Bureau of Investigation (NBI), and the Philippine National Police (PNP) revealed an intricate web of personalities from persons deprived of liberty (PDLs) to high-ranking Bureau of Corrections (BuCor) officials.

The network shows how the accused personalities relate to the case. Explore how Lapid’s alleged killers are supposedly linked through various PDLs to the alleged mastermind Director General Gerald Bantag. Hover over the circles to see more information.

– Rappler.com

What kinds of appearances and functions kept Marcos busy since his first full day in office on July 1?

Rappler scoured advisories that his office sent newsrooms, the Office of the President and Radio Television Malacañang Facebook pages, his social media pages, and press releases from the Philippine News Agency website.

Courtesy visits

Calls with foreign leaders and courtesy visits made by ambassadors and country representatives – a total of 68 – made up around 30% of Marcos’ total activities in his first 100 days as president.

These included visits from the ambassadors of China, the United States, Russia, South Korea, Singapore, the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, and more. Representatives from the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the United Nations also made courtesy visits to the President. It was also during this time that the Philippines officially established diplomatic ties with the island country of Niue.

Marcos also received Filipino athletes in Malacañang, the first being the Women’s Football Team after their ASEAN Football Federation win against Thailand last July. Boxer Dave “Dobermann” Apolinario also visited the palace after securing the IBO Flyweight title last August.

Openings and anniversaries

Marcos also attended a number of launches, openings, and organization anniversaries, totaling 31 or around 13% of his total activities. The first Palace flag ceremony on July 4, 2022, was the first, immediately followed by the change of command ceremonies of the Presidential Security Group. 

The President also attended founding anniversaries of different groups, including the 75th of the Philippine Air Force, the 121st of the Philippine National Police, and the 100th of the Philippine Nurses Association. Marcos also made an appearance during the National Heroes Day celebrations at the Libingan ng mga Bayani.

International appearances

Marcos’ first trip abroad was a four-day state visit to the countries of Indonesia and Singapore. The inaugural trip consisted of meetings with different heads of state, luncheons, meetings with local business leaders, and economic briefings.

His working visit to New York during the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) was Marcos’ first international appearance in front of other heads of state. 

He had also made use of his time during the UNGA to meet with US President Joe Biden, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, and British ex-prime minister Tony Blair. Marcos also attended meetings with business leaders, including the World Bank Group, Sutherland, and Procter & Gamble.

Meetings, meetings, meetings

Attending a total of 47 meetings (or 20% of his activities), Marcos kicked off with the oath-taking of the members of his Cabinet, followed by their first meeting on July 5, 2022. There have been eight more Cabinet meetings after, as of press time. He had also met with officials of different departments, such as the Department of Agriculture (which he leads), the Department of Health, and the Department of Energy, among others.

He had also set meetings in Malacañang with the private sector, including the Samahang Industriya ng Agrikultura, the Philippine Chamber of Food Manufacturers, and the Federation of Filipino Chinese Chamber of Commerce. Marcos had met with the Private Sector Advisory Council, formed upon the President’s request, on multiple occasions, tackling healthcare, tourism, and commerce. 

Disaster response

Two major calamities hit the country during Marcos’ first 100 days. The first was the magnitude 7 earthquake in Abra in the Cordillera region. He made a constituent visit on July 28 during the distribution of relief goods. 

Marcos led the directive meeting with the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council during the aftermath of Super Typhoon Karding on September 26. He also made aerial inspections of the affected areas on the same day. 

Leisure trips

In between all of these activities, President Marcos had attended 18 social and leisure activities. His first was his inaugural dinner, after he took his oath at the National Museum on June 30. While the dinner was held in Malacañang, there was a People’s Concert nearby, along Mendiola street, for his supporters.

Birthday celebrations were also common: his mother Imelda’s, his wife Liza’s, Senator Sonny Angara’s, and his own. (READ: Palace parties? ‘Simple’ under Marcos 2.0, say sister, press chief)

Marcos visited the grave of his father and namesake, the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, at the Libingan ng mga Bayani on the latter’s 105th birth anniversary. The President graced the Marcos Day celebrations in Batac, Ilocos Norte.

During his working visit to the US, he watched Eric Clapton’s concert and the Broadway show Into the Woods.

He also met with the overseas Filpino worker communities in Indonesia, Singapore, and the US.

His most recent trip was the Formula One Singapore Grand Prix, which was his first unannounced visit to another country. – Rappler.com

In his inaugural speech, he promised to build the country back from the pandemic. However, actions speak louder than words, as Marcos and his allies drew flak on social media for their response to various issues after he stepped into office.

Here’s how netizens reacted to Marcos’ first 100 days as president.

July 2022

Imelda Marcos’ “93th” birthday. Marcos had barely warmed the presidential seat on his second day, but social media users already had a lot to say about the tribute that his mother, former first lady Imelda Marcos, got on her 93rd birthday. Some poked fun at her “93th birthday” billboard in EDSA, which filmmaker Lauren Greenfield called out for using an image whose copyright belonged to her.

Others were furious over the party held for the former first lady in Malacañang. Netizens said there was lack of transparency from the Palace over initial reports from the event. 

Meanwhile, Marcos supporters celebrated Imelda’s birthday as a vindication for the former first lady and hailed her as the “epitome of a Filipina beauty.”

“Not that high.” While there was partying in Malacañang, ordinary Filipinos were feeling the effects of the rise in prices of basic goods as the inflation rate jumped to 6.1% in June, the highest level since November 2018. As of September, it continues to rise to 6.9%. 

Filipinos criticized Marcos’ disbelief in the June figures. 

Others shared how their daily purchases were affected by the rising prices. (READ: Groups stage #BentePesosChallenge to call out inflation ahead of SONA 2022) 

Ateneo shooting. A day before Marcos’ first State of the Nation Address on June 25, graduating students from Ateneo Law School witnessed a horrific shooting that killed three people before their commencement program on campus.

Social media users were saddened by the incident, especially with the death of security guard Jeneven Bandiala, even opening donation drives to help his family. 

Others were outraged over the way some Filipinos were defending the actions of the suspect, Chao Tiao Yumol, saying they “enable a culture of impunity.” (READ: In aftermath of Ateneo shooting, sympathizers defend gunman online)

​​

State of the Nation Address. Filipinos were tuned in to Marcos’ first State of the Nation Address, expecting him to discuss his economic plan. However, Filipinos saw that the biggest news from his speech was the possible return of the Mandatory Reserve Officers’ Training Corps.

Other netizens said that they found Marcos’ speech sounded like a “technical paper prepared by [his] economic team,” and raised issues that he did not mention in his address. (READ: Marcos’ first SONA tops Twitter trends as Filipinos online share varying views)

Marcos supporters were impressed by his speech and called him a “genius” over his legislative and economic agenda. They also were inspired by his final words during the SONA.

“Iba takbo ng brain cells ni Teves.” The SONA also coincided with the opening of the 19th Congress, with House and Senate lawmakers filing their first bills in the days following Marcos’ speech. 

Negros Oriental 3rd District Representative Arnolfo Teves drew the ire of Filipinos due to his bill seeking to rename the Ninoy Aquino International Airport after the late Ferdinand Marcos and a measure that seeks to declare ghosting as an “emotional offense.”

Northern Luzon earthquake. Disaster struck for the first time during the Marcos administration as a magnitude 7 earthquake hit Northern Luzon, a region that played a vital role in Marcos’ election victory. 

Social media users were scared and worried about the scenario as it reminded them of the 1990 Luzon earthquake. They feared a strong earthquake could possibly hit Metro Manila. A user urged the government to prioritize disaster response. 

Marcos supporters sarcastically asked where former vice president Leni Robredo’s Angat Buhay nongovernmental organization was in the aftermath of the earthquake. Robredo’s supporters pushed back, saying that the government should be the first to respond in any disaster.

Marcos supporters responded to the backlash by emphasizing that the President was fast in his disaster response and flew to Abra following the earthquake. 

“Kingdom of the Marcoses.” Filipinos also reacted strongly to the election of Ilocos Norte 1st District Representative Ferdinand Alexander “Sandro” Marcos, a first-time lawmaker, as House Senior Deputy Majority Leader. 

Social media users said that the move was a “big day for nepotism.” 

“Nauna kaysa DOH Secretary.” Almost a week after the World Health Organization declared monkeypox a global health emergency, the Philippines confirmed its first case of the virus.

The news left netizens outraged about the lack of preparation by the Marcos administration, especially as the President had yet to appoint a health secretary. As of Thursday, October 6, Department of Health official Maria Rosario Vergeire remains the agency’s officer-in-charge. 

August 2022

“History is tsismis.” Filipinos started the month of August with the release of the controversial movie Maid in Malacañang on August 3. 

The film immediately drew controversy before it was shown in theaters due to actress Ella Cruz’s comments that equated history to gossip. Social media users said the comment invalidated the experiences and work of Martial Law survivors and historians. (WATCH: Rappler Talk: Is history like tsismis?)

There was more backlash on social media for the film after its trailer showed a depiction of the Carmelite nuns playing mahjong. 

Critics of Maid in Malacañang encouraged Filipinos online to watch the award-winning Martial Law film Katips, which was released on the same day. 

As far as Marcos’ supporters were concerned, they thought Maid would “kick off the return of Philippine cinema” as moviegoers lined up for the film. 

Overpriced laptops. Meanwhile, Filipinos online also slammed the Department of Education (DepEd) after the Commission on Audit flagged the agency for P2.4 billion worth of “pricey” and “outdated” laptops for teachers.

The laptops were priced at P58,300 with Intel Celeron processors, among the cheapest in the market. Social media users made a comparison of the purchased laptop and a Macbook Air with the M1 chip, saying that the “teachers deserve better.” 

Walden Bello’s arrest. Former vice presidential candidate Walden Bello was arrested for cyber libel charges filed by Jefry Tupas, Vice President Sara Duterte’s former information officer. 

The move was met with swift condemnation online, saying it was a “needless spectacle to show…power” by silencing critical voices.

“Are we now under Martial Law?” Netizens took a stand against “censorship” after the Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino banned books that allegedly contained “anti-government” text from schools and public libraries. Ironically, these books were KWF’s own publications. 

Others were encouraged to read the books listed due to the ban. 

Sugar importation fiasco. Social media users said they had seen “better communication” from student councils than the government after an investigation into the botched resolution that would have allowed the importation of 300,000 metric tons of sugar supposedly without the approval of Marcos.

One user went viral for a simple explainer of what happened, showing that former executive secretary Vic Rodriguez did not respond to messages from sugar officials on the resolution. 

Return of face-to-face classes. Even after two years of distance learning, netizens were concerned by the problems from the reopening of face-to-face classes, especially with students having to learn despite flooding and a shortage of armchairs.

Filipinos online also criticized the DepEd’s plan to ban extracurricular activities to address learning gaps caused by the pandemic. They said these activities were essential in shaping students’ interests and building life and career skills. 

Chaotic distribution. The Department of Social Welfare and Development came under fire after scenes of people flocking to DSWD offices to get educational assistance.

Social media users criticized DSWD Secretary Erwin Tulfo for treating the distribution like his own radio show, saying it was “rushed” and meant to “amplify [his] image.”

Sara’s proposed 2023 budget. Vice President and Education Secretary Sara Duterte drew the ire of netizens over the proposed allocation for her department in the 2023 National Expenditure Program. 

Some criticized the budget of the Office of the Vice President (OVP), which is three times higher than the funds given to former vice president Leni Robredo. 

The confidential funds included under the OVP and DepEd budgets worth P500 million and P150 million, respectively, also drew the ire of Filipinos. The latter came at the cost of other programs, such as the DepEd’s Special Education Program (SPED). 

Others also slammed Duterte’s request for an additional P100 billion for the DepEd, saying she had not presented an agenda to show how she would solve the learning crisis in the country.

As of Wednesday, October 5, the House realigned P10.581 billion in the proposed P5.268-trillion budget for 2023 to the DepEd. It is for the construction of classrooms and the restoration of SPED. 

September 2022

Weakening peso. On September 6, the Philippine peso reached the P57 level against the US dollar, its weakest ever in history at the time. The local currency has since reached an all-time low of P59 on October 3.

Not a lot of Filipinos might understand its effects on their own lives, as demonstrated by a viral video on ABS-CBN’s It’s Showtime. (WATCH: Mahinang piso: Biyaya o pinsala sa OFW?)

One user said that this highlighted the importance of explaining economic concepts to ordinary Filipinos. 

ALLTV Interview. Former Senate president Manuel Villar’s newly-launched network, ALLTV, aired an exclusive interview hosted by Toni Gonzaga featuring President Marcos on September 13, around a week before the 50th anniversary of Martial Law.

Toni Gonzaga had been receiving flak since she formally endorsed Marcos in the May 2022 elections, and netizens continued to express their frustration following the release of the said interview. 

A netizen even called her the “Mocha Uson” of the Marcos administration. 

But Marcos supporters were pleased with the interview, saying they “admire [Marcos’] grasp of the country and its problems.”

They were also impressed by Toni Gonzaga’s “excellent” hosting skills, which made the interview “exciting and interesting.”

Optional wearing of face masks outdoors. Without a DOH secretary, Marcos signed Executive Order No. 3, allowing optional wearing of face masks outdoors on September 12. Filipinos said that the move was “too early and too risky” and that they would choose to keep their masks on.

Helicopter parent. Vice President Sara Duterte also made headlines as she thanked Marcos for allowing her to use a helicopter to be able to reach home before her children’s bedtime. 

This did not sit well with many Filipinos, considering how the public faces day-to-day struggles with the accessibility and convenience of public transportation. 

Vic Rodriguez resignation. Not even 100 days in office and the Marcos administration already recorded its first resignation. Vic Rodriguez, Marcos’ spokesperson during the May 2022 elections, resigned from his post as executive secretary.

Social media users said the announcement was a “challenge to [Marcos’] political resolve] after Rodriguez said that he would serve as “Presidential Chief of Staff” next. The move was rejected by the President’s chief legal counsel, Juan Ponce Enrile, and the new executive secretary, Lucas Bersamin.

UN General Assembly. On the day of the 50th anniversary of Martial Law, Marcos delivered a speech at the United Nations General Assembly. The President talked about economic recovery, food security, agricultural productivity, and climate change. 

However, some netizens were dismayed after hearing the President’s speech. They believed it did not reflect the way he leads the country. 

In addition, even US President Joe Biden made noise for falling for pro-Marcos fake news. Biden said he was “impressed” with the work that Marcos “did on windmills.” 

The claim that Marcos led the building of the Bangui Wind Farm in Ilocos Norte has been debunked several times. 

Speaking of fake news, Marcos supporters took the opportunity to use the US visit to attack veteran journalist and Rappler’s editor-at-large Marites Vitug for her Sui Generis newsletter, “Why Bongbong Marcos can’t go to the US.”

Supporters forgot to note that Vitug’s newsletter was written on January 10, 2022, months before Marcos became president. After getting elected president, Marcos now enjoys diplomatic immunity under international law. 

“Is that the trend now?” The hashtag #NasaanAngPangulo took the top trend on Twitter Philippines after Marcos posted a vlog of his New York trip as Super Typhoon Karding hit Luzon.

Marcos supporters said the New York vlog was meant to be a “report,” adding it was a coincidence that it was uploaded when Karding made landfall in Quezon province. 

Social media users were also outraged at how Marcos trivialized climate change during a briefing with the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council, a contradiction to his UN General Assembly speech. 

Some users feel that this will not be the only time that #NasaanAngPangulo, a hashtag that was also used to call out the absence of former president Rodrigo Duterte during times of disaster, will trend under Marcos. 

October 2022

“Productive?” While the country was recovering from Super Typhoon Karding, Marcos flew to Singapore to attend the Formula One Grand Prix race. Filipinos online said the incident showed that Marcos did “not care” and was “running away from his job.”

Bersamin’s defense of the President’s trip added fuel to the fire, particularly his comment that questions about the use of government funds for the trip were “irrelevant.”

Silenced by a bullet. Filipinos were shocked by the killing of radio broadcaster Percival Mabasa, known as Percy Lapid. Netizens said his murder “confirms the truth behind his exposés” and demanded accountability as the hashtag  #JusticeForPercyLapid trended on Twitter.

More resignations. Former press secretary Trixie Cruz-Angeles resigned from her post on October 4, due to “certain medical conditions.” Executive Secretary Lucas Bersamin confirmed the resignation of Commission on Audit chairperson Jose Calida on the same day.   

Calida was flagged several times for receiving high allowances during his term as solicitor general of the Duterte administration. 

Social media users said the series of resignations “clearly shows how unstable [the] Marcos government is.”

Marcos said in his own words that he managed to “put together a government which is functional” in his first 100 days. He flexed his economic team to show how he was able to “find the best and brightest to help and to serve in government.” 

However, a recent Pulse Asia survey showed that while the President got majority approval for 11 out of 13 national concerns, 42% of Filipinos disapproved of his performance in controlling inflation, the top urgent issue for respondents. 

Marcos supporters are on the defensive, emphasizing the more positive parts of the survey and saying that it was not only in the Philippines where there was rising inflation. They put the blame on the war in Ukraine. 

A group of supporters called the ‘UNITED TWITTER LOYALIST’ also gave keywords and hashtags to trend in support of Marcos and his allies. They were able to get the keywords “PROTECT BBM” and #DefendBBM to trend nationwide on Thursday, October 6.

As Marcos continues his term, Filipinos online will be watching very closely if he will get to fulfill his promise to “move forward together” with them. – with reports from Aidan Bernales, Issa Canlas, and Farley Bermeo Jr./Rappler.com

Aidan Bernales is a Rappler intern. He is a sophomore communications student at the Ateneo de Manila University.

Issa Canlas is a digital communications intern at Rappler. She is a student at the College of Mass Communication at the University of the Philippines Diliman.

Farley Bermeo Jr. is a communication arts graduate from UP Los Baños and a Digital Communications volunteer at Rappler. 

A dataset provided to Rappler by the Sandiganbayan, through a Freedom of Information (FOI) request, shows eight pending civil cases involving Marcos’ father, the late dictator, his mother Imelda, and uncles from the Romualdez side.

There are a dozen other respondents who remain in civil cases where co-respondents have died, like the dictator and Imelda’s brother, the late Leyte governor Benjamin “Kokoy” Romualdez.

Marcos Jr., his sisters Senator Imee Marcos and Irene Marcos Araneta, are substitutes for their late father in Case No. 0014 PCGG-15, a case involving the dictator’s business associates who allegedly acted as dummies to get government loans “on liberal terms for their financial interests.”

This was the 35-year-old case where the Sandiganbayan reopened submission of evidence by the President and his sisters, but the siblings did not show up in court in September. The court considered that a waiver of their right to submit evidence. The case is now up for decision.

Check out this chart for details on the pending cases and what the money from those can fund.

The Sandiganbayan’s dataset shows uniform amounts for the cases, P51 billion each for six, and P102 billion each for the two. Ruben Carranza, former commissioner of the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG), the agency tasked to recover Marcos stolen wealth, but which is now threatened with abolition, said the uniform amounts are damages.

“[The dataset] also does not include the forfeiture cases arising from the original Civil Case 141 (Swiss bank accounts) and the outcomes of the motions for partial summary judgment that I initiated in 2004 that later would cover the jewelry sets and then the paintings. These should be considered pending by the Sandiganbayan,” Carranza told Rappler.

Carranza explained these cases are pending execution, or actual collection.

Here’s the dataset Rappler obtained through FOI:

Marcos Cases Foi by Nami Buan on Scribd

– Rappler.com

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MANILA, Philippines – President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. spent the most among all candidates for the 2022 elections, based on Rappler’s tally of statements of contributions and expenditures (SOCEs) of 62 aspirants for president, vice president, and senator.

As earlier reported, Marcos’ expenditures totaled over P623 million, all of them through cash or in-kind contributions. He claimed he did not use any of his personal money to mount his Malacañang bid.

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Out of all national aspirants, it was billionaire’s son and now-senator Mark Villar who dug deepest into his pocket, spending over P131 million of his own money on his campaign.

Rappler breaks down the expenditures of these aspirants per national post.

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Presidential candidates

Based on partial copies of SOCEs released to the media by the Commission on Elections’ (Comelec) campaign finance office on Wednesday, July 13, former vice president Leni Robredo was the second highest campaign spender, with expenditures amounting to P388 million.

Out of the seven presidential candidates who submitted their SOCEs on time, world-renowned boxer and former senator Manny Pacquiao spent the most of his personal money for his campaign (P62 million).

Vice presidential candidates

The highest spender among the vice presidential bets was also the eventual winner of the race: Sara Duterte.

She spent P216 million for her campaign, followed by now former senators Vicente Sotto III (P157 million) and Francis Pangilinan (P130 million). Like Marcos, Duterte claimed no personal money was spent to jumpstart her vice presidential aspirations.

Sotto used P49 million of his own money to vie for the vice presidency, the highest among the eight candidates who submitted their SOCEs on time.

While former congressman Walden Bello’s expenditures totaled P0 on his Form 1 provided by the Comelec, subsequent pages of his SOCE which he sent to Rappler noted he spent all his received contributions worth P2.8 million. Bello said on Thursday, July 14, that he will “notify the Comelec of this error in the summary statement.” Rappler will update this story, including the table, should the Comelec provide a corrected version of Bello’s SOCE.

Senatorial candidates

Now-senator Alan Peter Cayetano logged the highest expenditures – over P245 million – out of 47 senatorial candidates whose clear copies of SOCEs were provided by the Comelec.

Defeated candidates Richard Gordon and Jejomar Binay ranked second and third, respectively.

At least nine senators shelled out minimum eight-digit figures from their own banks to finance their bids for the upper chamber, with Villar topping the list at P131 million. Next to him were Gilbert “Gibo” Teodoro (P67 million), Rodante Marcoleta (P54 million), Herbert Bautista (P44 million), and Raffy Tulfo (P38 million).

The top 12 spenders in the senatorial race were all seasoned politicians who have held national posts before.

Caveat

For the 2022 elections, there was a P674-million cap that presidential and vice presidential aspirants can utilize to woo voters during the campaign period (67.4 million total registered voters multiplied by P10, which is the aggregate amount they may spend for every voter for an election campaign).

It is important to take note that SOCEs cover expenses only during the campaign period, as aspirants for elective posts were not yet considered “candidates” before February 8. This means that candidates are technically allowed to go beyond the spending cap until the start of the campaign period.

For example, from January 2021 to March 2022, Marcos and his closest rival, then-outgoing Vice President Leni Robredo, topped ad spending on mainstream media among presidential aspirants, each logging P1.4 billion worth of ads, according to the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).

Another PCIJ report in January said Marcos did not record ad spending on Facebook, but the Ad Library “does not detail how much candidates spent to produce the ads and payments to social media experts who managed their accounts.” 

It is difficult to determine how honest candidates are in their campaign spending.

The National Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel) once called for reforms to crack down on overspending candidates, such as periodic filing of contribution reports, and a pre-audit of candidates.

The Legal Network for Truthful Elections has also advocated for a raise in the spending limit, since the current ones have been in place and have remained unchanged since 1991. – Rappler.com

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But with Villar’s exit from the DPWH to pursue a senatorial bid in the 2022 elections, Cusi became the sole billionaire by the end of 2021.

The “richest” Cabinet member for the third year in a row, Cusi declared a net worth of P1,489,460,343 in 2021, a 1.83% increase from the P1.46 billion he declared in 2020. The increase was attributed to the additional P26.8 million in the “cash, placements, jewelries, furniture, and fixtures” item under his personal properties.

Meanwhile, Villar had a net worth of P1,398,184,229 as of October 5, 2021, a day before he officially stepped down from office. This amount is lower by 0.3% compared to his end-2020 net worth of P1.402 billion.

Villar resigned as DPWH chief to run for senator. He won in the May 2022 polls, ranking sixth. Then-Southern Leyte representative Roger Mercado replaced Villar in an acting capacity.

Before becoming part of the Duterte Cabinet, Cusi and Villar were already wealthy, with the energy chief coming from the shipping and logistics industry, and Villar from the real estate industry.

Their net worth declarations for 2021 are based on the copies of Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN) of Duterte Cabinet members obtained by Rappler from the Malacañang Records Office (MRO) on Monday, June 13.

So far, the 2021 SALNs of 36 Cabinet and Cabinet-level members as well as of heads of agencies directly under the Office of the President (OP) are available from the MRO.

Among the heads of executive departments, at least four have declared a net worth between P100 million and P500 million in 2021:

• Finance Secretary Carlos Dominguez III – P354,121,757
• Transportation Secretary Arthur Tugade – P338,184,251
• Health Secretary Francisco Duque III – P145,041,905
• Foreign Affairs Secretary Teodoro Locsin Jr. – P107,588,979

Of the four, only Dominguez’s net worth decreased, but just slightly, by 4.21% compared to 2020.

Two Cabinet-level officials also had a net worth in the P100 million-P500 million range: Presidential Adviser to the Visayas Michael Lloyd Dino (with P163,847,994.98) and Commission on Filipinos Overseas chief Francisco Acosta (with P129,683,100).

On the other hand, Social Welfare Secretary Rolando Bautista had the lowest net worth among executive department heads, with only P11,240,695.75 in 2021. This was lower by P4.04 million compared to the P15,283,099 he reported in 2020. The decrease was observed in the “cash and bank deposit” item in his list of personal properties.

Bautista was followed by former Department of Budget and Management (DBM) secretary Wendel Avisado, who reported a net worth of P13.778 million as of August 12, 2021, unchanged from his 2020 SALN.

Avisado stepped down in August due to health reasons. Undersecretary Tina Canda was made officer-in-charge of DBM, but her SALN was not yet among the ones that Rappler obtained on Monday.

Among all 36 officials on the list, however, National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) chairman Arsenio Lizaso has the lowest net worth in 2021 so far, with just P1,743,014.80.

Below is the list of Cabinet members, Cabinet-level officials, and heads of agencies directly under OP with available copies of SALNs released to Rappler, and their declared net worth in 2021.

Their positions are either as of December 2021 or the last post they held before leaving the Cabinet. The rate of increase or decrease from their 2020 net worth is also indicated. The rows shaded in light orange represent executive departments.

So far, Bautista had the biggest percentage decrease in net worth compared to 2020, with a drop of 26.45%.

The biggest percentage increase, however, was logged in the SALN of then-Presidential Adviser for OFWs Abdullah Mama-o. From P2,602,731.18 in 2020, Mama-o’s net worth went up to P6,169,672.48 in 2021, or a 137% jump. Still, Mama-o had the second lowest net worth among those with SALNs made available to Rappler so far.

Duterte later appointed Mama-o as secretary of the newly-created Department of Migrant Workers (DMW) in March 2022.

The Duterte Cabinet members’ SALNs for 2021 are not yet the last one for them to file.

Section 8(A) of Republic Act No. 6713 or the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees states that public officials, including those in the Cabinet, would still have to file an “exit SALN” within 30 days after they leave office.

This is on top of the two other required filing periods: within 30 days upon assuming office, and by April 30 of every year thereafter.

A government official’s net worth in his or her SALN is computed by getting the total values of real properties and personal assets – including those acquired prior to government service – then subtracting the total amount of their liabilities such as loans.

SALN access

In recent years, copies of SALNs of Cabinet members have been relatively easy to obtain, in contrast with their counterparts in other branches of government which have set limits to the public’s access to these documents.

For instance, the Office of the Ombudsman has restricted public access to SALNs under its jurisdiction since September 2020.

As for the SALNs of members of the House of Representatives, any request to obtain a copy would have to be approved by the plenary.

The SALN summary request form in the Senate, meanwhile, says that the stated purpose should be specific, and general reasons such as “public interest or public concern” would be unacceptable.

In 2021, the Supreme Court ruled that SALN custodians can regulate public access to the document. – Rappler.com